Strabon Book 7

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εἰρηκόσι δ' ἡμῖν περὶ τῆς Ἰβηρίας καὶ τῶν Κελτικῶν ἐθνῶν καὶ τῶν Ἰταλικῶν σὺν ταῖς πλησίον νήσοις ἐφεξῆς ἂν εἴη λέγειν τὰ λειπόμενα τῆς Εὐρώπης μέρη, διελοῦσι τὸν ἐνδεχόμενον τρόπον. λείπεται δὲ τὰ πρὸς ἕω μὲν τὰ πέραν τοῦ Ῥήνου μέχρι τοῦ Τανάιδος καὶ τοῦ στόματος τῆς Μαιώτιδος λίμνης, καὶ ὅσα μεταξὺ τοῦ Ἀδρίου καὶ τῶν ἀριστερῶν τῆς Ποντικῆς θαλάττης μερῶν ἀπολαμβάνει πρὸς νότον μέχρι τῆς Ἑλλάδος καὶ τῆς Προποντίδος ὁ Ἴστρος· διαιρεῖ γὰρ οὗτος ἅπασαν ὡς ἐγγυτάτω δίχα τὴν λεχθεῖσαν γῆν, μέγιστος τῶν κατὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην ποταμῶν, ῥέων πρὸς νότον κατ' ἀρχάς, εἶτ' ἐπιστρέφων εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῆς δύσεως ἐπὶ τὴν ἀνατολὴν καὶ τὸν Πόντον. ἄρχεται μὲν οὖν ἀπὸ τῶν Γερμανικῶν ἄκρων τῶν ἑσπερίων, πλησίον δὲ καὶ τοῦ μυχοῦ τοῦ Ἀδριατικοῦ, διέχων αὐτοῦ περὶ χιλίους σταδίους· τελευτᾷ δ' εἰς τὸν Πόντον οὐ πολὺ ἄπωθεν τῶν τοῦ Τύρα καὶ τοῦ Βορυσθένους ἐκβολῶν, ἐκκλίνων πως πρὸς ἄρκτους. προσάρκτια μὲν οὖν ἐστι τῷ Ἴστρῳ τὰ πέραν τοῦ Ῥήνου καὶ τῆς Κελτικῆς· ταῦτα δ' ἐστὶ τά τε Γαλατικὰ ἔθνη καὶ τὰ Γερμανικὰ μέχρι Βασταρνῶν καὶ Τυρεγετῶν καὶ τοῦ ποταμοῦ τοῦ Βορυσθένους, καὶ ὅσα μεταξὺ τούτου καὶ Τανάιδος καὶ τοῦ στόματος τῆς Μαιώτιδος εἴς τε τὴν μεσόγαιαν ἀνατείνει μέχρι τοῦ ὠκεανοῦ καὶ τῇ Ποντικῇ κλύζεται θαλάττῃ· μεσημβρινὰ δὲ τά τε Ἰλλυρικὰ καὶ τὰ Θρᾴκια καὶ ὅσα τούτοις ἀναμέμικται τῶν Κελτικῶν ἤ τινων ἄλλων, μέχρι τῆς Ἑλλάδος. λέγωμεν δὲ πρῶτον περὶ τῶν ἐκτὸς τοῦ Ἴστρου· πολὺ γὰρ ἁπλούστερα τῶν ἐπὶ θάτερα μερῶν ἐστιν.

Now that I have described Iberia and the Celtic and Italian tribes, along with the islands near by, it will be next in order to speak of the remaining parts of Europe, dividing them in the approved manner. The remaining parts are: first, those towards the east, being those which are across the Rhenus and extend as far as the Tanaïs {1} and the mouth of Lake Maeotis, {2} and also all those regions lying between the Adrias {3} and the regions on the left of the Pontic Sea that are shut off by the Ister {4} and extend towards the south as far as Greece and the Propontis; {5} for this river divides very nearly the whole of the aforesaid land into two parts. It is the largest of the European rivers, at the outset flowing towards the south and then turning straight from the west towards the east and the Pontus. It rises in the western limits of Germany, as also near the recess of the Adriatic (at a distance from it of about one thousand stadia), and comes to an end at the Pontus not very far from the outlets of the Tyras {6} and the Borysthenes, {7} bending from its easterly course approximately towards the north. Now the parts that are beyond the Rhenus and Celtica are to the north of the Ister; these are the territories of the Galatic and the Germanic tribes, extending as far as the Bastarnians and the Tyregetans and the River Borysthenes. And the territories of all the tribes between this river and the Tanaïs and the mouth of Lake Maeotis extend up into the interior as far as the ocean {8} and are washed by the Pontic Sea. But both the Illyrian and the Thracian tribes, and all tribes of the Celtic or other peoples that are mingled with these, as far as Greece, are to the south of the Ister. But let me first describe the parts outside the Ister, for they are much simpler than those on the other side.

1. The Don.

2. The sea of Azof.

3. The Adriatic.

4. The Danube.

5. The Sea of Marmora.

6. The Dniester.

7. The Dnieper.

8. Strabo here means the “exterior” or “Northern” ocean (see 2. 5. 31 and the Frontispiece, Vol. i).

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εὐθὺς τοίνυν τὰ πέραν τοῦ Ῥήνου μετὰ τοὺς Κελτοὺς πρὸς τὴν ἕω κεκλιμένα Γερμανοὶ νέμονται, μικρὸν ἐξαλλάττοντες τοῦ Κελτικοῦ φύλου τῷ τε πλεονασμῷ τῆς ἀγριότητος καὶ τοῦ μεγέθους καὶ τῆς ξανθότητος, τἆλλα δὲ παραπλήσιοι καὶ μορφαῖς καὶ ἤθεσι καὶ βίοις ὄντες, οἵους εἰρήκαμεν τοὺς Κελτούς. διὸ δὴ καί μοι δοκοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι τοῦτο αὐτοῖς θέσθαι τοὔνομα ὡς ἂν γνησίους Γαλάτας φράζειν βουλόμενοι· γνήσιοι γὰρ οἱ Γερμανοὶ κατὰ τὴν Ῥωμαίων διάλεκτον.

Now the parts beyond the Rhenus, immediately after the country of the Celti, slope towards the east and are occupied by the Germans, who, though they vary slightly from the Celtic stock in that they are wilder, taller, and have yellower hair, are in all other respects similar, for in build, habits, and modes of life they are such as I have said {9} the Celti are. And I also think that it was for this reason that the Romans assigned to them the name “Germani,” as though they wished to indicate thereby that they were “genuine” Galatae, for in the language of the Romans “germani” means “genuine.” {10}

9. 4. 4. 2-3.

10. So also Julius Caesar, Tacitus, Pliny and the ancient writers in general regarded the Germans as Celts (Gauls). Dr. Richard Braungart has recently published a large work in two volumes in which he ably defends his thesis that the Boii, Vindelici, Rhaeti, Norici, Taurisci, and other tribes, as shown by their agricultural implements and contrivances, were originally, not Celts, but Germans, and, in all probability, the ancestors of all Germans (Sudgermanen, Heidelberg, 1914).

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ἔστι δὲ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα μέρη τῆς χώρας ταύτης τὰ πρὸς τῷ Ῥήνῳ μέχρι τῶν ἐκβολῶν ἀπὸ τῆς πηγῆς ἀρξαμένοις· σχεδὸν δέ τι καὶ τοῦτ' ἔστι τὸ ἑσπέριον τῆς χώρας πλάτος, ἡ ποταμία πᾶσα. ταύτης δὲ τὰ μὲν εἰς τὴν Κελτικὴν μετήγαγον Ῥωμαῖοι, τὰ δ' ἔφθη μεταστάντα εἰς τὴν ἐν βάθει χώραν, καθάπερ Μαρσοί· λοιποὶ δ' εἰσὶν ὀλίγοι καὶ τῶν Σουγάμβρων μέρος. μετὰ δὲ τοὺς παραποταμίους τἆλλά ἐστιν ἔθνη τὰ μεταξὺ τοῦ Ῥήνου καὶ τοῦ Ἄλβιος ποταμοῦ, ὃς παράλληλός πως ἐκείνῳ ῥεῖ πρὸς τὸν ὠκεανόν, οὐκ ἐλάττω χώραν διεξιὼν ἤπερ ἐκεῖνος. εἰσὶ δὲ μεταξὺ καὶ ἄλλοι ποταμοὶ πλωτοὶ ὧν ἐν τῷ Ἀμασίᾳ Δροῦσος Βρουκτέρους κατεναυμάχησε , ῥέοντες ὡσαύτως ἀπὸ νότου πρὸς βορρᾶν καὶ τὸν ὠκεανόν. ἐξῆρται γὰρ ἡ χώρα πρὸς νότον καὶ συνεχῆ ταῖς Ἄλπεσι ποιεῖ ῥάχιν τινὰ πρὸς ἕω τεταμένην, ὡς ἂν μέρος οὖσαν τῶν Ἄλπεων· καὶ δὴ καὶ ἀπεφήναντό τινες οὕτως διά τε τὴν λεχθεῖσαν θέσιν καὶ διὰ τὸ τὴν αὐτὴν ὕλην ἐκφέρειν· οὐ μὴν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτό γε ὕψος ἀνίσχει τὰ ταύτῃ ὄρη. ἐνταῦθα δ' ἐστὶν ὁ Ἑρκύνιος δρυμὸς καὶ τὰ τῶν Σοήβων ἔθνη, τὰ μὲν οἰκοῦντα ἐντὸς τοῦ δρυμοῦ, ἐν οἷς ἐστι καὶ τὸ Βουίαιμον τὸ τοῦ Μαροβόδου βασίλειον, εἰς ὃν ἐκεῖνος τόπον ἄλλους τε μετανέστησε πλείους καὶ δὴ καὶ τοὺς ὁμοεθνεῖς ἑαυτῷ Μαρκομμάνους. ἐπέστη γὰρ τοῖς πράγμασιν οὗτος ἐξ ἰδιώτου μετὰ τὴν ἐκ Ῥώμης ἐπάνοδον· νέος γὰρ ἦν ἐνθάδε καὶ εὐεργετεῖτο ὑπὸ τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ, ἐπανελθὼν δὲ ἐδυνάστευσε καὶ κατεκτήσατο πρὸς οἷς εἶπον Λουγίους τε, μέγα ἔθνος, καὶ Ζούμους καὶ Γούτωνας καὶ Μουγίλωνας καὶ Σιβίνους καὶ τῶν Σοήβων αὐτῶν μέγα ἔθνος, Σέμνωνας. πλὴν τά γε τῶν Σοήβων, ὡς ἔφην, ἔθνη τὰ μὲν ἐντὸς οἰκεῖ, τὰ δὲ ἐκτὸς τοῦ δρυμοῦ, ὅμορα τοῖς Γέταις. μέγιστον μὲν οὖν τὸ τῶν Σοήβων ἔθνος· διήκει γὰρ ἀπὸ τοῦ Ῥήνου μέχρι τοῦ Ἄλβιος· μέρος δέ τι αὐτῶν καὶ πέραν τοῦ Ἄλβιος νέμεται, καθάπερ Ἑρμόνδοροι καὶ Λαγκόβαρδοι· νυνὶ δὲ καὶ τελέως εἰς τὴν περαίαν οὗτοί γε ἐκπεπτώκασι φεύγοντες. κοινὸν δ' ἐστὶν ἅπασι τοῖς ταύτῃ τὸ περὶ τὰς μεταναστάσεις εὐμαρὲς διὰ τὴν λιτότητα τοῦ βίου καὶ διὰ τὸ μὴ γεωργεῖν μηδὲ θησαυρίζειν, ἀλλ' ἐν καλυβίοις οἰκεῖν ἐφήμερον ἔχουσι παρασκευήν· τροφὴ δ' ἀπὸ τῶν θρεμμάτων ἡ πλείστη καθάπερ τοῖς νομάσιν, ὥστ' ἐκείνους μιμούμενοι τὰ οἰκεῖα ταῖς ἁρμαμάξαις ἐπάραντες ὅπῃ ἂν δόξῃ τρέπονται μετὰ τῶν βοσκημάτων. ἄλλα δ' ἐνδεέστερά ἐστιν ἔθνη Γερμανικὰ Χηροῦσκοί τε καὶ Χάττοι καὶ Γαμαβρίουιοι καὶ Χαττουάριοι· πρὸς δὲ τῷ ὠκεανῷ Σούγαμβροί τε καὶ Χαῦβοι καὶ Βρούκτεροι καὶ Κίμβροι Καῦκοί τε καὶ Καοῦλκοι καὶ Καμψιανοὶ καὶ ἄλλοι πλείους. ἐπὶ ταὐτὰ δὲ τῷ Ἀμασίᾳ φέρονται Βίσουργίς τε καὶ Λουπίας ποταμός, διέχων Ῥήνου περὶ ἑξακοσίους σταδίους, ῥέων διὰ Βρουκτέρων τῶν ἐλαττόνων. ἔστι δὲ καὶ Σάλας ποταμός, οὗ μεταξὺ καὶ τοῦ Ῥήνου πολεμῶν καὶ κατορθῶν Δροῦσος ἐτελεύτησεν ὁ Γερμανικός. ἐχειρώσατο δ' οὐ μόνον τῶν ἐθνῶν τὰ πλεῖστα, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς ἐν τῷ παράπλῳ νήσους, ὧν ἐστι καὶ ἡ Βυρχανίς, ἣν ἐκ πολιορκίας εἷλε.

The first parts of this country are those that are next to the Rhenus, beginning at its source and extending a far as its outlet; and this stretch of river-land taken as a whole is approximately the breadth of the country on its western side. Some of the tribes of this river-land were transferred by the Romans to Celtica, whereas the others anticipated the Romans by migrating deep into the country, for instance, the Marsi; and only a few people, including a part of the Sugambri, {11} are left. After the people who live along the river come the other tribes that live between the Rhenus and the River Albis, {12} and traverses no less territory than the former. Between the two are other navigable rivers also (among them the Amasias, {13} on which Drusus won a naval victory over the Bructeri), which likewise flow from the south towards the north and the ocean; for the country is elevated towards the south and forms a mountain chain {14} that connects with the Alps and extends towards the east as though it were a part of the Alps; and in truth some declare that they actually are a part of the Alps, both because of their aforesaid position and of the fact that they produce the same timber; however, the country in this region does not rise to a sufficient height for that. Here, too, is the Hercynian Forest, {15} and also the tribes of the Suevi, some of which dwell inside the forest, as, for instance, the tribes of the Coldui, {16} in whose territory is Boihaemum, {17} the domain of Marabodus, the place whither he caused to migrate, not only several other peoples, but in particular the Marcomanni, his fellow-tribesmen; for after his return from Rome this man, who before had been only a private citizen, was placed in charge of the affairs of state, for, as a youth he had been at Rome and had enjoyed the favor of Augustus, and on his return he took the rulership and acquired, in addition to the peoples aforementioned, the Lugii (a large tribe), the Zumi, the Butones, the Mugilones, the Sibini, {18} and also the Semnones, a large tribe of the Suevi themselves. However, while some of the tribes of the Suevi dwell inside the forest, as I was saying, others dwell outside of it, and have a common boundary with the Getae. {19} Now as for the tribe of the Suevi, {20} it is the largest, for it extends from the Rhenus to the Albis; and a part of them even dwell on the far side of the Albis, as, for instance, the Hermondori and the Langobardi; and at the present time these latter, at least, have, to the last man, been driven in flight out of their country into the land on the far side of the river. It is a common characteristic of all the peoples in this part of the world {21} that they migrate with ease, because of the meagerness of their livelihood and because they do not till the soil or even store up food, but live in small huts that are merely temporary structures; and they live for the most part off their flocks, as the Nomads do, so that, in imitation of the Nomads, they load their household belongings on their wagons and with their beasts turn whithersoever they think best. But other German tribes are still more indigent. I mean the Cherusci, the Chatti, the Gamabrivii and the Chattuarii, and also, near the ocean, the Sugambri, the Chaubi, the Bructeri, and the Cimbri, and also the Cauci, the Caülci, the Campsiani, and several others. Both the Visurgis {22} and the Lupias {23} Rivers run in the same direction as the Amasias, the Lupias being about six hundred stadia distant from the Rhenus and flowing through the country of the Lesser Bructeri. {24} Germany has also the Salas River; {25} and it was between the Salas and the Rhenus that Drusus Germanicus, while he was successfully carrying on the war, came to his end. {26} He had subjugated, not only most of the tribes, but also the islands along the coast, among which is Burchanis, {27} which he took by siege.

11. e.g., the Ubii (see 4. 3. 4).

12. The Elbe.

13. The Ems.

14. The chain of mountains that extends from northern Switzerland to Mt. Krapak.

15. Now called the “Black Forest,” although the ancient term, according to Elton (Origins, p. 51, quoted by Tozer), embraced also “the forests of the Hartz, and the woods of Westphalia and Nassau.”

16. Müller-Dübner and Forbiger, perhaps rightly, emend “Coldui” to “Coadui.” But as Tozer (p. 187) says, the information Strabo here gives about Germany “is very imperfect, and hardly extends at all beyond the Elbe.”

17. Hence the modern “Bohemia,” “the home of the Boii.”

18. Scholars have suggested different emendations for “Zumi,” “Butones,” “Mugilones,” and “Sibini,” since all these seem to be corrupt (see C. Müller, Ind. Var. Lect., p 981). For “Butones” it is fairly certain that Strabo wrote “Gutones” (the Goths).

19. The “Getae,” also called “Daci,” dwelt in what are now Rumania and souther Hungary.

20. Strabo now uses “tribe” in its broadest sense.

21. Including the Galatae (see 4. 4. 2).

22. The Weser.

23. The Lippe.

24. The Lesser Bructeri appear to have lived south of the Frisii and west of the Ems, while the Greater Bructeri lived east of it and south of the Western Chauci (cp. Ptolemaeus 2.11.6-7).

25. The Thüringian Sasle.

26. In his thirtieth year (9 A.D.) his horse fell on him and broke his leg (Livy Ep. 140).

27. Now Borkum. The Romans nicknamed it “Fabaria” (“Bean Island”) because of the wild beans that grew there (Pliny 4.27).

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γνώριμα δὲ ταῦτα κατέστη τὰ ἔθνη πολεμοῦντα πρὸς Ῥωμαίους, εἶτ' ἐνδιδόντα καὶ πάλιν ἀφιστάμενα ἢ καὶ καταλείποντα τὰς κατοικίας· κἂν πλείω δὲ γνώριμα ὑπῆρξεν, εἰ ἐπέτρεπε τοῖς στρατηγοῖς ὁ Σεβαστὸς διαβαίνειν τὸν Ἄλβιν μετιοῦσι τοὺς ἐκεῖσε ἀπανισταμένους. νυνὶ δ' εὐπορώτερον ὑπέλαβε στρατηγεῖν τὸν ἐν χερσὶ πόλεμον, εἰ τῶν ἔξω τοῦ Ἄλβιος καθ' ἡσυχίαν ὄντων ἀπέχοιτο καὶ μὴ παροξύνοι πρὸς τὴν κοινωνίαν τῆς ἔχθρας. ἤρξαντο δὲ τοῦ πολέμου Σούγαμβροι πλησίον οἰκοῦντες τοῦ Ῥήνου, Μέλωνα ἔχοντες ἡγεμόνα· κἀκεῖθεν ἤδη διεδέχοντο ἄλλοτ' ἄλλοι δυναστεύοντες καὶ καταλυόμενοι, πάλιν δ' ἀφιστάμενοι, προδιδόντες καὶ τὰ ὅμηρα καὶ τὰς πίστεις. πρὸς οὓς ἡ μὲν ἀπιστία μέγα ὄφελος, οἱ δὲ πιστευθέντες τὰ μέγιστα κατέβλαψαν, καθάπερ οἱ Χηροῦσκοι καὶ οἱ τούτοις ὑπήκοοι, παρ' οἷς τρία τάγματα Ῥωμαίων μετὰ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ Ὀυάρου Κουιντιλλίου παρασπονδηθέντα ἀπώλετο ἐξ ἐνέδρας. ἔτισαν δὲ δίκας ἅπαντες καὶ παρέσχον τῷ νεωτέρῳ Γερμανικῷ λαμπρότατον θρίαμβον, ἐν ᾧ ἐθριαμβεύθη τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων ἀνδρῶν σώματα καὶ γυναικῶν, Σεγιμοῦντός τε Σεγέστου υἱός, Χηρούσκων ἡγεμών, καὶ ἀδελφὴ αὐτοῦ, γυνὴ δ' Ἀρμενίου τοῦ πολεμαρχήσαντος ἐν τοῖς Χηρούσκοις ἐν τῇ πρὸς Ὀυᾶρον Κουιντίλλιον παρασπονδήσει καὶ νῦν ἔτι συνέχοντος τὸν πόλεμον, ὄνομα Θουσνέλδα, καὶ υἱὸς τριετὴς Θουμέλικος· ἔτι δὲ Σεσίθακος, Σεγιμήρου υἱὸς τῶν Χηρούσκων ἡγεμόνος, καὶ γυνὴ τούτου Ῥαμίς, Οὐκρομήρου θυγάτηρ ἡγεμόνος Χάττων, καὶ Δευδόριξ, Βαιτόριγος τοῦ Μέλωνος ἀδελφοῦ υἱός, Σούγαμβρος. Σεγέστης δὲ ὁ πενθερὸς τοῦ Ἀρμενίου καὶ ἐξ ἀρχῆς διέστη πρὸς τὴν γνώμην αὐτοῦ καὶ λαβὼν καιρὸν ηὐτομόλησε καὶ τῷ θριάμβῳ παρῆν τῶν φιλτάτων, ἐν τιμῇ ἀγόμενος. ἐπόμπευσε δὲ καὶ Λίβης τῶν Χάττων ἱερεύς, καὶ ἄλλα δὲ σώματα ἐπομπεύθη ἐκ τῶν πεπορθημένων ἐθνῶν, Καούλκων Καμψανῶν Βρουκτέρων Οὐσίπων Χηρούσκων Χάττων Χαττουαρίων Λανδῶν Τουβαττίων. διέχει δὲ τοῦ Ἄλβιος ὁ Ῥῆνος περὶ τρισχιλίους σταδίους, εἴ τις εὐθυπορούσας ἔχοι τὰς ὁδούς· νυνὶ δὲ διὰ σκολιᾶς καὶ ἑλώδους καὶ δρυμῶν κυκλοπορεῖν ἀνάγκη.

These tribes have become known through their wars with the Romans, in which they would either yield and then later revolt again, or else quit their settlements; and they would have been better known if Augustus had allowed his generals to cross the Albis in pursuit of those who emigrated thither. But as a matter of fact he supposed that he could conduct the war in hand more successfully if he should hold off from those outside the Albis, who were living in peace, and should not incite them to make common cause with the others in their enmity against him. It was the Sugambri, who live near the Rhenus, that began the war, Melo being their leader; and from that time on different peoples at different times would cause a breach, first growing powerful and then being put down, and then revolting again, betraying both the hostages they had given and their pledges of good faith. In dealing with these peoples distrust has been a great advantage, whereas those who have been trusted have done the greatest harm, as, for instance, the Cherusci and their subjects, in whose country three Roman legions, with their general Quintilius Varus, were destroyed by ambush in violation of the treaty. But they all paid the penalty, and afforded the younger Germanicus a most brilliant triumph {28} --that triumph in which their most famous men and women were led captive, I mean Segimuntus, son of Segestes and chieftain of the Cherusci,and his sister Thusnelda, the wife of Armenius, the man who at the time of the violation of the treaty against Quintilius Varus was commander-in-chief of the Cheruscan army and even to this day is keeping up the war, and Thusnelda's three-year-old son Thumelicus; and also Sesithacus, the son of Segimerus and chieftain of the Cherusci, and Rhamis, his wife, and a daughter of Ucromirus chieftain of the Chatti, and Deudorix, {29} a Sugambrian, the son of Baetorix the brother of Melo. But Segestes, the father-in-law of Armenius, who even from the outset had opposed {30} the purpose of Armenius, and, taking advantage of an opportune time, had deserted him, was present as a guest of honor at the triumph over his loved ones. And Libes too, a priest of the Chatti, marched in the procession, as also other captives from the plundered tribes--the Caülci, Campsani, Bructeri, Usipi, Cherusci, Chatti, Chattuarii, Landi, Tubattii. Now the Rhenus is about three thousand stadia distant from the Albis, if one had straight roads to travel on, but as it is one must go by a circuitous route, which winds through a marshy country and forests.

28. May 26, 17 A.D. (Tacitus, Annals 2.41).

29. The same name as “Theordoric.”

30. So Tac. Ann. 1.55; see also 1. 58, 71.

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ὁ δὲ Ἑρκύνιος δρυμὸς πυκνότερός τέ ἐστι καὶ μεγαλόδενδρος ἐν χωρίοις ἐρυμνοῖς κύκλον περιλαμβάνων μέγαν, ἐν μέσῳ δὲ ἵδρυται χώρα καλῶς οἰκεῖσθαι δυναμένη, περὶ ἧς εἰρήκαμεν. ἔστι δὲ πλησίον αὐτῆς ἥ τε τοῦ Ἴστρου πηγὴ καὶ ἡ τοῦ Ῥήνου καὶ ἡ μεταξὺ ἀμφοῖν λίμνη καὶ τὰ ἕλη τὰ ἐκ τοῦ Ῥήνου διαχεόμενα. ἔστι δ' ἡ λίμνη τὴν μὲν περίμετρον σταδίων πλειόνων ἢ πεντακοσίων, δίαρμα δὲ ἐγγὺς διακοσίων. ἔχει δὲ καὶ νῆσον, ᾖ ἐχρήσατο ὁρμητηρίῳ Τιβέριος ναυμαχῶν πρὸς Ὀυινδολικούς. νοτιωτέρα δ' ἐστὶ τῶν τοῦ Ἴστρου πηγῶν καὶ αὕτη, ὥστ' ἀνάγκη τῷ ἐκ τῆς Κελτικῆς ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑρκύνιον δρυμὸν ἰόντι πρῶτον μὲν διαπερᾶσαι τὴν λίμνην, ἔπειτα τὸν Ἴστρον, εἶτ' ἤδη δι' εὐπετεστέρων χωρίων ἐπὶ τὸν δρυμὸν τὰς προβάσεις ποιεῖσθαι δι' ὀροπεδίων. ἡμερήσιον δ' ἀπὸ τῆς λίμνης προελθὼν ὁδὸν Τιβέριος εἶδε τὰς τοῦ Ἴστρου πηγάς. προσάπτονται δὲ τῆς λίμνης ἐπ' ὀλίγον μὲν οἱ Ῥαιτοί, τὸ δὲ πλέον Ἑλουήττιοι καὶ Ὀυινδολικοί . . . καὶ ἡ Βοίων ἐρημία. μέχρι Παννονίων πάντες, τὸ πλέον δ' Ἑλουήττιοι καὶ Ὀυινδολικοί, οἰκοῦσιν ὀροπέδια. Ῥαιτοὶ δὲ καὶ Νωρικοὶ μέχρι τῶν Ἀλπείων ὑπερβολῶν ἀνίσχουσι καὶ πρὸς τὴν Ἰταλίαν περινεύουσιν, οἱ μὲν Ἰνσούβροις συνάπτοντες οἱ δὲ Κάρνοις καὶ τοῖς περὶ τὴν Ἀκυληίαν χωρίοις. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἄλλη ὕλη μεγάλη Γαβρῆτα ἐπὶ τάδε τῶν Σοήβων, ἐπέκεινα δ' ὁ Ἑρκύνιος δρυμός· ἔχεται δὲ κἀκεῖνος ὑπ' αὐτῶν.

The Hercynian Forest is not only rather dense, but also has large trees, and comprises a large circuit within regions that are fortified by nature; in the center of it, however, lies a country (of which I have already spoken {31} ) that is capable of affording an excellent livelihood. And near it are the sources of both the Ister and the Rhenus, as also the lake {32} between the two sources, and the marshes {33} into which the Rhenus spreads. {34} The perimeter of the lake is more than three hundred stadia, while the passage across it is nearly two hundred. {35} There is also an island in it which Tiberius used as a base of operations in his naval battle with the Vindelici. This lake is south of the sources of the Ister, as is also the Hercynian Forest, so that necessarily, in going from Celtica to the Hercynian Forest, one first crosses the lake and then the Ister, and from there on advances through more passable regions--plateaus--to the forest. Tiberius had proceeded only a day's journey from the lake when he saw the sources of the Ister. The country of the Rhaeti adjoins the lake for only a short distance, whereas that of the Helvetii and the Vindelici, and also the desert of the Boii, adjoin the greater part of it. All the peoples as far as the Pannonii, but more especially the Helvetii and the Vindelici, inhabit plateaus. But the countries of the Rhaeti and the Norici extend as far as the passes over the Alps and verge toward Italy, a part thereof bordering on the country of the Insubri and a part on that of the Carni and the legions about Aquileia. And there is also another large forest, Gabreta; {36} it is on this side of the territory of the Suevi, whereas the Hercynian Forest, which is also held by them, is on the far side.

31. 4. 6. 9 and 7. 1. 3.

32. Now the Lake of Constance; also called the Bodensee. Cp. 4. 3. 3 and 4. 6. 9.

33. The Untersee.

34. Cp. 4. 3. 3.

35. These figures, as they stand in the manuscripts, are, of course, relatively impossible, and Strabo could hardly have made such a glaring error. Meineke and others emend 300 to 500, leaving the 200 as it is; but on textual grounds, at least, 600 is far more probable. “Passage across” (in Strabo) means the usual boat-passage, but the terminal points of this passage are now unknown. According to W.A.B. Coolidge (Encyclopedia Brittanica, s.v. “Lake of Constance”) the length of the lake is now 46 1/2 miles (from Bregenz to Stein-am-Rhein), while its greatest width is 10 1/2 miles.

36. The forest of the Bohemians.

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περὶ δὲ Κίμβρων τὰ μὲν οὐκ εὖ λέγεται, τὰ δ' ἔχει πιθανότητας οὐ μετρίας. οὔτε γὰρ τὴν τοιαύτην αἰτίαν τοῦ πλάνητας γενέσθαι καὶ λῃστρικοὺς ἀποδέξαιτ' ἄν τις, ὅτι χερρόνησον οἰκοῦντες μεγάλῃ πλημμυρίδι ἐξελαθεῖεν ἐκ τῶν τόπων· καὶ γὰρ νῦν ἔχουσι τὴν χώραν ἣν εἶχον πρότερον, καὶ ἔπεμψαν τῷ Σεβαστῷ δῶρον τὸν ἱερώτατον παρ' αὐτοῖς λέβητα, αἰτούμενοι φιλίαν καὶ ἀμνηστίαν τῶν ὑπηργμένων, τυχόντες δὲ ὧν ἠξίουν ἀπῆραν· γελοῖον δὲ τῷ φυσικῷ καὶ αἰωνίῳ πάθει δὶς ἑκάστης ἡμέρας συμβαίνοντι προσοργισθέντας ἀπελθεῖν ἐκ τοῦ τόπου. ἔοικε δὲ πλάσματι τὸ συμβῆναί ποτε ὑπερβάλλουσαν πλημμυρίδα· ἐπιτάσεις μὲν γὰρ καὶ ἀνέσεις δέχεται, τεταγμένας δὲ καὶ περιοδιζούσας, ὁ ὠκεανὸς ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις πάθεσιν. οὐκ εὖ δ' οὐδὲ ὁ φήσας ὅπλα αἴρεσθαι πρὸς τὰς πλημμυρίδας τοὺς Κίμβρους, οὐδ' ὅτι ἀφοβίαν οἱ Κελτοὶ ἀσκοῦντες κατακλύζεσθαι τὰς οἰκίας ὑπομένουσιν, εἶτ' ἀνοικοδομοῦσι, καὶ ὅτι πλείων αὐτοῖς συμβαίνει φθόρος ἐξ ὕδατος ἢ πολέμου, ὅπερ Ἔφορός φησιν. ἡ γὰρ τάξις ἡ τῶν πλημμυρίδων καὶ τὸ τὴν ἐπικλυζομένην χώραν εἶναι γνώριμον οὐκ ἔμελλε τοιαύτας τὰς ἀτοπίας παρέξειν. δὶς γὰρ ἑκάστης ἡμέρας τούτου συμβαίνοντος τὸ μηδ' ἅπαξ αἰσθάνεσθαι φυσικὴν οὖσαν τὴν παλίρροιαν καὶ ἀβλαβῆ, καὶ οὐ μόνοις τούτοις συμβαίνουσαν ἀλλὰ τοῖς παρωκεανίταις πᾶσι, πῶς οὐκ ἀπίθανον; οὐδὲ Κλείταρχος εὖ· φησὶ γὰρ τοὺς ἱππέας ἰδόντας τὴν ἔφοδον τοῦ πελάγους ἀφιππάσασθαι καὶ φεύγοντας ἐγγὺς γενέσθαι τοῦ περικαταληφθῆναι. οὔτε δὲ τοσούτῳ τάχει τὴν ἐπίβασιν ὁρμωμένην ἱστοροῦμεν, ἀλλὰ λεληθότως προσιοῦσαν τὴν θάλατταν· οὔτε τὸ καθ' ἡμέραν γινόμενον καὶ πᾶσιν ἔναυλον ἤδη ὂν τοῖς πλησιάζειν μέλλουσι πρὶν ἢ θεάσασθαι, τοσοῦτον ἔμελλε παρέξεσθαι φόβον ὥστε φεύγειν, ὡς ἂν εἰ ἐξ ἀδοκήτου προσέπεσε.

As for the Cimbri, some things that are told about them are incorrect and others are extremely improbable. For instance, one could not accept such a reason for their having become a wandering and piratical folk as this--that while they were dwelling on a Peninsula they were driven out of their habitations by a great flood-tide; for in fact they still hold the country which they held in earlier times; and they sent as a present to Augustus the most sacred kettle {37} in their country, with a plea for his friendship and for an amnesty of their earlier offences, and when their petition was granted they set sail for home; and it is ridiculous to suppose that they departed from their homes because they were incensed on account of a phenomenon that is natural and eternal, occurring twice every day. And the assertion that an excessive flood-tide once occurred looks like a fabrication, for when the ocean is affected in this way it is subject to increases and diminutions, but these are regulated and periodical. {38} And the man who said that the Cimbri took up arms against the flood-tides was not right, either; nor yet the statement that the Celti, as a training in the virtue of fearlessness, meekly abide the destruction of their homes by the tides and then rebuild them, and that they suffer a greater loss of life as the result of water than of war, as Ephorus says. Indeed, the regularity of the flood-tides and the fact that the part of the country subject to inundations was known should have precluded such absurdities; for since this phenomenon occurs twice every day, it is of course improbable that the Cimbri did not so much as once perceive that the reflux was natural and harmless, and that it occurred, not in their country alone, but in every country that was on the ocean. Neither is Cleitarchus right; for he says that the horsemen, on seeing the onset of the sea, rode away, and though in full flight came very near being cut off by the water. Now we know, in the first place, that the invasion of the tide does not rush on with such speed as that, but that the sea advances imperceptibly; and, secondly, that what takes place daily and is audible to all who are about to draw near it, even before they behold it, would not have been likely to prompt in them such terror that they would take to flight, as if it had occurred unexpectedly.

37. When the throats of prisoners of war were cut, the blood was caught in huge brazen kettles (7. 2. 3).

38. Cp. 3. 5. 9.

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ταῦτά τε δὴ δικαίως ἐπιτιμᾷ τοῖς συγγραφεῦσι Ποσειδώνιος καὶ οὐ κακῶς εἰκάζει, διότι λῃστρικοὶ ὄντες καὶ πλάνητες οἱ Κίμβροι καὶ μέχρι τῶν περὶ τὴν Μαιῶτιν ποιήσαιντο στρατείαν, ἀπ' ἐκείνων δὲ καὶ ὁ Κιμμέριος κληθείη Βόσπορος, οἷον Κιμβρικός, Κιμμερίους τοὺς Κίμβρους ὀνομασάντων τῶν Ἑλλήνων. φησὶ δὲ καὶ Βοίους τὸν Ἑρκύνιον δρυμὸν οἰκεῖν πρότερον, τοὺς δὲ Κίμβρους ὁρμήσαντας ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον τοῦτον, ἀποκρουσθέντας ὑπὸ τῶν Βοίων ἐπὶ τὸν Ἴστρον καὶ τοὺς Σκορδίσκους Γαλάτας καταβῆναι, εἶτ' ἐπὶ Τευρίστας καὶ Ταυρίσκους, καὶ τούτους Γαλάτας, εἶτ' ἐπὶ Ἑλουηττίους, πολυχρύσους μὲν ἄνδρας εἰρηναίους δέ· ὁρῶντας δὲ τὸν ἐκ τῶν λῃστηρίων πλοῦτον ὑπερβάλλοντα τοῦ παρ' ἑαυτοῖς τοὺς Ἑλουηττίους ἐπαρθῆναι, μάλιστα δ' αὐτῶν Τιγυρίνους τε καὶ Τωυγένους, ὥστε καὶ συνεξορμῆσαι. πάντες μέντοι κατελύθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν Ῥωμαίων αὐτοί τε οἱ Κίμβροι καὶ οἱ συναράμενοι τούτοις, οἱ μὲν ὑπερβαλόντες τὰς Ἄλπεις εἰς τὴν Ἰταλίαν οἱ δ' ἔξω τῶν Ἄλπεων.

Poseidonius is right in censuring the historians for these assertions, and his conjecture is not a bad one, that the Cimbri, being a piratical and wandering folk, made an expedition even as far as the region of Lake Maeotis, and that also the “Cimmerian” Bosporus {39} was named after them, being equivalent to “Cimbrian,” the Greeks naming the Cimbri “Cimmerii.” And he goes off to say that in earlier times the Boii dwelt in the Hercynian Forest, and that the Cimbri made a sally against this place, but on being repulsed by the Boii, went down to the Ister and the country of the Scordiscan Galatae, {40} then to the country of the Teuristae {41} and Taurisci (these, too, Galatae), and then to the country of the Helvetii--men rich in gold but peaceable; however, when the Helvetii saw that the wealth which the Cimbri had got from their robberies surpassed that of their own country, they, and particularly their tribes of Tigyreni and of Toygeni, were so excited that they sallied forth with the Cimbri. All, however, were subdued by the Romans, both the Cimbri themselves and those who had joined their expeditions, in part after they had crossed the Alps into Italy and in part while still on the other side of the Alps.

39. The Strait of Kerch (or Yenikale).

40. The Galatae lived between the Ister (Danube) and Morava Rivers on the confines of Illyria.

41. Cp. “Tauristae,” 7. 3. 2.

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ἔθος δέ τι τῶν Κίμβρων διηγοῦνται τοιοῦτον, ὅτι ταῖς γυναιξὶν αὐτῶν συστρατευούσαις παρηκολούθουν προμάντεις ἱέρειαι πολιότριχες, λευχείμονες, καρπασίνας ἐφαπτίδας ἐπιπεπορπημέναι, ζῶσμα χαλκοῦν ἔχουσαι, γυμνόποδες· τοῖς οὖν αἰχμαλώτοις διὰ τοῦ στρατοπέδου συνήντων ξιφήρεις, καταστέψασαι δ' αὐτοὺς ἦγον ἐπὶ κρατῆρα χαλκοῦν ὅσον ἀμφορέων εἴκοσιν· εἶχον δὲ ἀναβάθραν, ἣν ἀναβᾶσα . . . ὑπερπετὴς τοῦ λέβητος ἐλαιμοτόμει ἕκαστον μετεωρισθέντα· ἐκ δὲ τοῦ προχεομένου αἵματος εἰς τὸν κρατῆρα μαντείαν τινὰ ἐποιοῦντο, ἄλλαι δὲ διασχίσασαι ἐσπλάγχνευον ἀναφθεγγόμεναι νίκην τοῖς οἰκείοις. ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἀγῶσιν ἔτυπτον τὰς βύρσας τὰς περιτεταμένας τοῖς γέρροις τῶν ἁρμαμαξῶν, ὥστ' ἀποτελεῖσθαι ψόφον ἐξαίσιον.

Writers report a custom of the Cimbri to this effect: Their wives, who would accompany them on their expeditions, were attended by priestesses who were seers; these were grey-haired, clad in white, with flaxen cloaks fastened on with clasps, girt with girdles of bronze, and bare-footed; now sword in hand these priestesses would meet with the prisoners of war throughout the camp, and having first crowned them with wreaths would lead them to a brazen vessel of about twenty amphorae; {42} and they had a raised platform which the priestess would mount, and then, bending over the kettle, {43} would cut the throat of each prisoner after he had been lifted up; and from the blood that poured forth into the vessel some of the priestesses would draw a prophecy, while still others would split open the body and from an inspection of the entrails would utter a prophecy of victory for their own people; and during the battles they would beat on the hides that were stretched over the wicker-bodies of the wagons and in this way produce an unearthly noise.

42. About 120 gallons.

43. Cp. 7. 2. 1.

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τῶν δὲ Γερμανῶν, ὡς εἶπον, οἱ μὲν προσάρκτιοι παροικοῦσι τῷ ὠκεανῷ, γνωρίζονται δ' ἀπὸ τῶν ἐκβολῶν τοῦ Ῥήνου λαβόντες τὴν ἀρχὴν μέχρι τοῦ Ἄλβιος. τούτων δ' εἰσὶ γνωριμώτατοι Σούγαμβροί τε καὶ Κίμβροι. τὰ δὲ πέραν τοῦ Ἄλβιος τὰ πρὸς τῷ ὠκεανῷ παντάπασιν ἄγνωστα ἡμῖν ἐστιν. οὔτε γὰρ τῶν προτέρων οὐδένας ἴσμεν τὸν παράπλουν τοῦτον πεποιημένους πρὸς τὰ ἑωθινὰ μέρη τὰ μέχρι τοῦ στόματος τῆς Κασπίας θαλάττης, οὔθ' οἱ Ῥωμαῖοί πω προῆλθον εἰς τὰ περαιτέρω τοῦ Ἄλβιος· ὡς δ' αὕτως οὐδὲ πεζῇ παρωδεύκασιν οὐδένες. ἀλλ' ὅτι μὲν κατὰ μῆκος ἰοῦσιν ἐπὶ τὴν ἕω τὰ κατὰ τὸν Βορυσθένη καὶ τὰ πρὸς βορρᾶν τοῦ Πόντου χωρία ἀπαντᾷ, δῆλον ἐκ τῶν κλιμάτων καὶ τῶν παραλλήλων διαστημάτων. τί δ' ἐστὶ πέραν τῆς Γερμανίας καὶ τί τῶν ἄλλων τῶν ἑξῆς, εἴτε Βαστάρνας χρὴ λέγειν, ὡς οἱ πλείους ὑπονοοῦσιν, εἴτ' ἄλλους μεταξὺ ἢ Ἰάζυγας ἢ Ῥωξολανοὺς ἤ τινας ἄλλους τῶν ἁμαξοίκων οὐ ῥᾴδιον εἰπεῖν, οὐδ' εἰ μέχρι τοῦ ὠκεανοῦ παρήκουσι παρὰ πᾶν τὸ μῆκος, ἢ ἔστι τι ἀοίκητον ὑπὸ ψύχους ἢ ἄλλης αἰτίας, ἢ εἰ καὶ γένος ἀνθρώπων ἄλλο διαδέχεται μεταξὺ τῆς θαλάττης καὶ τῶν ἑῴων Γερμανῶν ἱδρυμένον. τοῦτο δὲ τὸ αὐτὸ ἀγνόημα καὶ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν ἐφεξῆς προσαρκτίων ἐπέχει. οὔτε γὰρ τοὺς Βαστάρνας οὔτε τοὺς Σαυρομάτας καὶ ἁπλῶς τοὺς ὑπὲρ τοῦ Πόντου οἰκοῦντας ἴσμεν, οὔθ' ὁπόσον ἀπέχουσι τῆς Ἀτλαντικῆς θαλάττης, οὔτ' εἰ συνάπτουσιν αὐτῇ.

Of the Germans, as I have said, {44} those towards the north extend along the ocean; {45} and beginning at the outlets of the Rhenus, they are known as far as the Albis; and of these the best known are the Sugambri and the Cimbri; but those parts of the country beyond the Albis that are near the ocean are wholly unknown to us. For of the men of earlier times I know of no one who has made this voyage along the coast to the eastern parts that extend as far as the mouth {46} of the Caspian Sea; and the Romans have not yet advanced into the parts that are beyond the Albis; and likewise no one has made the journey by land either. However, it is clear from the “climata” and the parallel distances that if one travels longitudinally towards the east, one encounters the regions that are about the Borysthenes and that are to the north of the Pontus; but what is beyond Germany and what beyond the countries which are next after Germany--whether one should say the Bastarnae, as most writers suspect, or say that others lie in between, either the Iazyges, or the Roxolani, {47} or certain other of the wagon-dwellers {48} --it is not easy to say; nor yet whether they extend as far as the ocean along its entire length, or whether any part is uninhabitable by reason of the cold or other cause, or whether even a different race of people, succeeding the Germans, is situated between the sea and the eastern Germans. And this same ignorance prevails also in regard to the rest of the peoples that come next in order on the north; for I know neither the Bastarnae, {49} nor the Sauromatae, nor, in a word, any of the peoples who dwell above the Pontus, nor how far distant they are from the Atlantic Sea, {50} nor whether their countries border upon it.

44. 7. 1. 1.

45. Cp. 7. 1. 1 and the footnote on “ocean.”

46. See the Frontispiece, Vol. I.

47. Cp. 2. 5. 7 and 7. 3. 17.

48. Cp. 2. 5. 26.

49. See 2. 5. 30.

50. The same in Strabo as “the Atlantic Ocean,” including the “Northern Ocean.”

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τὸ δὲ νότιον μέρος τῆς Γερμανίας τὸ πέραν τοῦ Ἄλβιος τὸ μὲν συνεχὲς ἀκμὴν ὑπὸ τῶν Σοήβων κατέχεται· εἶτ' εὐθὺς ἡ τῶν Γετῶν συνάπτει γῆ, κατ' ἀρχὰς μὲν στενή, παρατεταμένη τῷ Ἴστρῳ κατὰ τὸ νότιον μέρος, κατὰ δὲ τοὐναντίον τῇ παρωρείᾳ τοῦ Ἑρκυνίου δρυμοῦ, μέρος τι τῶν ὀρῶν καὶ αὐτὴ κατέχουσα, εἶτα πλατύνεται πρὸς τὰς ἄρκτους μέχρι Τυρεγετῶν· τοὺς δὲ ἀκριβεῖς ὅρους οὐκ ἔχομεν φράζειν. διὰ δὲ τὴν ἄγνοιαν τῶν τόπων τούτων οἱ τὰ Ῥιπαῖα ὄρη καὶ τοὺς Ὑπερβορείους μυθοποιοῦντες λόγου ἠξίωνται, καὶ ἃ Πυθέας ὁ Μασσαλιώτης κατεψεύσατο ταῦτα τῆς παρωκεανίτιδος, προσχήματι χρώμενος τῇ περὶ τὰ οὐράνια καὶ τὰ μαθηματικὰ ἱστορίᾳ. ἐκεῖνοι μὲν οὖν ἐάσθωσαν· οὐδὲ γὰρ εἴ τινα Σοφοκλῆς τραγῳδεῖ περὶ τῆς Ὠρειθυίας λέγων ὡς ἀναρπαγεῖσα ὑπὸ Βορέου κομισθείη

ὑπέρ τε πόντον πάντ' ἐπ' ἔσχατα χθονὸς νυκτός τε πηγὰς οὐρανοῦ τ' ἀναπτυχάς, Φοίβου παλαιὸν κῆπον,

οὐδὲν ἂν εἴη πρὸς τὰ νῦν, ἀλλ' ἐατέον, ὥσπερ καὶ ἐν τῷ Φαίδρῳ ὁ Σωκράτης. ἃ δὲ ἔκ τε τῆς παλαιᾶς ἱστορίας καὶ τῆς νῦν παρειλήφαμεν, ταῦτα λέγωμεν.

As for the southern part of Germany beyond the Albis, the portion which is just contiguous to that river is occupied by the Suevi; then immediately adjoining this is the land of the Getae, which, though narrow at first, stretching as it does along the Ister on its southern side and on the opposite side along the mountain-side of the Hercynian Forest (for the land of the Getae also embraces a part of the mountains), afterwards broadens out towards the north as far as the Tyregetae; but I cannot tell the precise boundaries. It is because of men's ignorance of these regions that any heed has been given to those who created the mythical “Rhipaean Mountains” {51} and “Hyperboreans,” {52} and also to all those false statements made by Pytheas the Massalian regarding the country along the ocean, wherein he uses as a screen his scientific knowledge of astronomy and mathematics. {53} So then, those men should be disregarded; in fact, if even Sophocles, when in his role as a tragic poet he speaks of Oreithyia, {54} tells how she was snatched up by “Boreas” and carried “over the whole sea to the ends of the earth and to the sources of night {55} and to the unfoldings of heaven {56} and to the ancient garden of Phoebus,” {57} {58} his story can have no bearing on the present inquiry, but should be disregarded, just as it is disregarded by Socrates in the Phaedrus. {59} But let us confine our narrative to what we have learned from history, both ancient and modern.

51. Cp. Pliny 4.26.

52. Cp. 1. 3. 22.

53. Cp. 1. 4. 3-5, 2. 3. 5 and 2. 4. 1-2.

54. The daughter of Erechtheus, a mythical Attic king. The passage here quoted is a fragment Nauck, Fragmenta, 870) of a play now lost. Cp. Soph. Ant. 981ff.

55. The west.

56. The east.

57. Soph. Fr. 870 (Nauck)

58. The south, apparently; and thus Boreas would have carried her to the four ends of the earth. The home of Boreas (North Wind), according to the poets, was in the Haemus (Balkan), or Rhipaean, Mountains, on the “Sarpedonian Rock.”

59. Plat. Phaedrus 229.

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οἱ τοίνυν Ἕλληνες τοὺς Γέτας Θρᾷκας ὑπελάμβανον· ᾤκουν δ' ἐφ' ἑκάτερα τοῦ Ἴστρου καὶ οὗτοι καὶ οἱ Μυσοὶ Θρᾷκες ὄντες καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ οὓς νῦν Μοισοὺς καλοῦσιν, ἀφ' ὧν ὡρμήθησαν καὶ οἱ νῦν μεταξὺ Λυδῶν καὶ Φρυγῶν καὶ Τρώων οἰκοῦντες Μυσοί. καὶ αὐτοὶ δ' οἱ Φρύγες Βρίγες εἰσί, Θρᾴκιόν τι ἔθνος, καθάπερ καὶ Μυγδόνες καὶ Βέβρυκες καὶ Μαιδοβιθυνοὶ καὶ Βιθυνοὶ καὶ Θυνοὶ, δοκῶ δὲ καὶ τοὺς Μαριανδυνούς. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν τελέως ἐκλελοίπασι πάντες τὴν Εὐρώπην, οἱ δὲ Μυσοὶ συνέμειναν. καὶ Ὅμηρον δ' ὀρθῶς εἰκάζειν μοι δοκεῖ Ποσειδώνιος τοὺς ἐν τῇ Εὐρώπῃ Μυσοὺς κατονομάζειν λέγω δὲ τοὺς ἐν τῇ Θρᾴκῃ ὅταν φῇ

αὐτὸς δὲ πάλιν τρέπεν ὄσσε φαεινώ, νόσφιν ἐφ' ἱπποπόλων Θρῃκῶν καθορώμενος αἶαν Μυσῶν τ' ἀγχεμάχων.

ἐπεὶ εἴ γε τοὺς κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν Μυσοὺς δέχοιτό τις, ἀπηρτημένος ἂν εἴη ὁ λόγος. τὸ γὰρ ἀπὸ τῶν Τρώων τρέψαντα τὴν ὅρασιν ἐπὶ τὴν Θρᾳκῶν γῆν συγκαταλέγειν ταύτῃ τὴν τῶν Μυσῶν, τῶν οὐ νόσφιν ὄντων ἀλλ' ὁμόρων τῇ Τρῳάδι καὶ ὄπισθεν αὐτῆς ἱδρυμένων καὶ ἑκατέρωθεν, διειργομένων δ' ἀπὸ τῆς Θρᾴκης πλατεῖ Ἑλλησπόντῳ, συγχέοντος ἂν εἴη τὰς ἠπείρους καὶ ἅμα τῆς φράσεως οὐκ ἀκούοντος. τὸ γὰρ πάλιν τρέπεν μάλιστα μέν ἐστιν εἰς τοὐπίσω· ὁ δ' ἀπὸ τῶν Τρώων μεταφέρων τὴν ὄψιν ἐπὶ τοὺς μὴ ὄπισθεν αὐτῶν ἢ ἐκ πλαγίων ὄντας προσωτέρω μὲν μεταφέρει, εἰς τοὐπίσω δ' οὐ πάνυ. καὶ τὸ ἐπιφερόμενον δ' αὐτοῦ τούτου μαρτύριον, ὅτι τοὺς ἱππημολγοὺς καὶ γαλακτοφάγους καὶ ἀβίους συνῆψεν αὐτοῖς, οἵπερ εἰσὶν οἱ ἁμάξοικοι Σκύθαι καὶ Σαρμάται. καὶ γὰρ νῦν ἀναμέμικται ταῦτα τὰ ἔθνη τοῖς Θρᾳξὶ καὶ τὰ Βασταρνικά, μᾶλλον μὲν τοῖς ἐκτὸς Ἴστρου, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ἐντός. τούτοις δὲ καὶ τὰ Κελτικά, οἵ τε Βόιοι καὶ Σκορδίσκοι καὶ Ταυρίσκοι. τοὺς δὲ Σκορδίσκους ἔνιοι Σκορδίστας καλοῦσι· καὶ τοὺς Ταυρίσκους δὲ Τευρίσκους καὶ Ταυρίστας φασί.

Now the Greeks used to suppose that the Getae were Thracians; and the Getae lived on either side the Ister, as did also the Mysi, these also being Thracians and identical with the people who are now called Moesi; from these Mysi sprang also the Mysi who now live between the Lydians and the Phrygians and Trojans. And the Phrygians themselves are Brigians, a Thracian tribe, as are also the Mygdonians, the Bebricians, the Medobithynians, {60} the Bithynians, and the Thynians, and, I think, also the Mariandynians. These peoples, to be sure, have all utterly quitted Europe, but the Mysi have remained there. And Poseidonius seems to me to be correct in his conjecture that Homer designates the Mysi in Europe (I mean those in Thrace) when he says, “But back he turned his shining eyes, and looked far away towards the land of the horsetending Thracians, and of the Mysi, hand-to-hand fighters” {61} for surely, if one should take Homer to mean the Mysi in Asia, the statement would not hang together. Indeed, when Zeus turns his eyes away from the Trojans towards the land of the Thracians, it would be the act of a man who confuses the continents and does not understand the poet's phraseology to connect with Thrace the land of the Asiatic Mysi, who are not “far away,” but have a common boundary with the Troad and are situated behind it and on either side of it, and are separated from Thrace by the broad Hellespont; for “back he turned” generally {62} means “to the rear,” and he who transfers his gaze from the Trojans to the people who are either in the rear of the Trojans or on their flanks, does indeed transfer his gaze rather far, but not at all “to the rear.” {63} Again, the appended phrase {64} is testimony to this very view, because the poet connected with the Mysi the “Hippemolgi” and “Galactophagi” and “Abii,” who are indeed the wagon-dwelling Scythians and Sarmatians. For at the present time these tribes, as well as the Bastarnian tribes, are mingled with the Thracians (more indeed with those outside the Ister, but also with those inside). And mingled with them are also the Celtic tribes--the Boii, the Scordisci, and the Taurisci. However, the Scordisci are by some called “Scordistae”; and the Taurisci are called also “Ligurisci” {65} and “Tauristae.” {66}

60. The correct spelling of the word is “Maedobithynians.”

61. Hom. Il. 13.3ff.

62. The other meaning of the word in question (πάλιν) is “again.” Aristarchus, the great Homeric scholar (fl. about 155 B.C.), quoted by Hesychius (s.v.), says that “generally the poet uses πάλιν in the place-sense and not, as we do, in the time-sense.”

63. i.e., “to the rear” of himself.

64. “And of the proud Hippemolgi (mare-milkers), Galactophagi (curd-eaters), and Abii ( a resourceless folk), men most just” Cp. 1. 1. 6.

65. “Ligursci” is almost certainly corrupt. Meineke is probably right in emending to “Teurisci.”

66. Cp. “Teuristae,” 7. 2. 2.

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λέγει δὲ τοὺς Μυσοὺς ὁ Ποσειδώνιος καὶ ἐμψύχων ἀπέχεσθαι κατ' εὐσέβειαν, διὰ δὲ τοῦτο καὶ θρεμμάτων· μέλιτι δὲ χρῆσθαι καὶ γάλακτι καὶ τυρῷ ζῶντας καθ' ἡσυχίαν, διὰ δὲ τοῦτο καλεῖσθαι θεοσεβεῖς τε καὶ καπνοβάτας· εἶναι δέ τινας τῶν Θρᾳκῶν οἳ χωρὶς γυναικὸς ζῶσιν, οὓς κτίστας καλεῖσθαι, ἀνιερῶσθαί τε διὰ τιμὴν καὶ μετὰ ἀδείας ζῆν· τούτους δὴ συλλήβδην ἅπαντας τὸν ποιητὴν εἰπεῖν ἀγαυοὺς ἱππημολγοὺς γλακτοφάγους ἀβίους τε, δικαιοτάτους ἀνθρώπους. ἀβίους δὲ προσαγορεύειν μάλιστα ὅτι χωρὶς γυναικῶν, ἡγούμενον ἡμιτελῆ τινα βίον τὸν χῆρον, καθάπερ καὶ τὸν οἶκον ἡμιτελῆ τὸν Πρωτεσιλάου διότι χῆρος· ἀγχεμάχους δὲ τοὺς Μυσούς, ὅτι ἀπόρθητοι, καθὰ οἱ ἀγαθοὶ πολεμισταί· δεῖν δὲ ἐν τῷ τρισκαιδεκάτῳ γράφειν ἀντὶ τοῦ Μυσῶν τ' ἀγχεμάχων Μοισῶν τ' ἀγχεμάχων.

Poseidonius goes on to say of the Mysians that in accordance with their religion they abstain from eating any living thing, and therefore from their flocks as well; and that they use as food honey and milk and cheese, living a peaceable life, and for this reason are called both “god-fearing” and “capnobatae”; {67} and there are some of the Thracians who live apart from woman-kind; these are called “Ctistae,” {68} and because of the honor in which they are held, have been dedicated to the gods and live with freedom from every fear; accordingly, Homer speaks collectively of all these peoples as “proud Hippemolgi, Galactophagi and Abii, men most just,” but he calls them “Abii” more especially for this reason, that they live apart from women, since he thinks that a life which is bereft of woman is only half-complete (just as he thinks the “house of Protesilaüs” is only “half complete,” because it is so bereft {69} ); and he speaks of the Mysians as “hand-to-hand fighters” because they were indomitable, as is the case with all brave warriors; and Poseidonius adds that in the Thirteenth Book {70} one should read “Moesi, hand-to-hand fighters” instead of “Mysi, hand-to-hand fighters.”

67. Scholars have suggested various emendations to “capnobatae,” but there is no variation in the spelling of the word in any of the manuscripts, either here or in section 4 below. Its literal meaning is “smoke-treaders” (cp. ἀεροβάτης, ἀεροβάτῳ Aristophanes, Clouds 225, 1503), and it seems to allude in some way to the smoke of sacrifice and the more of less ethereal existence of the people, or else (see Herodotus 1. 202 and 4.75) to the custom of generating an intoxicating vapor by throwing hemp-seed upon red-hot stones. Berkel and Wakefield would emend, respectively to “capnopatae” and “capnobotae” (“smoke-eaters,” i.e., people who live on food of no value).

68. Literally, “creators” or “founders.” But, like “capnobatae,” the force of the word here is unknown.

69. Hom. Il. 2.701.

70. Hom. Il. 13.5.

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τὸ μὲν οὖν τὴν γραφὴν κινεῖν ἐκ τοσούτων ἐτῶν εὐδοκιμήσασαν περιττὸν ἴσως· πολὺ γὰρ πιθανώτερον ὠνομάσθαι μὲν ἐξ ἀρχῆς Μυσούς, μετωνομάσθαι δὲ ὡς νῦν. τοὺς ἀβίους δὲ τοὺς χήρους οὐ μᾶλλον ἢ τοὺς ἀνεστίους καὶ τοὺς ἁμαξοίκους δέξαιτ' ἄν τις· μάλιστα γὰρ περὶ τὰ συμβόλαια καὶ τὴν τῶν χρημάτων κτῆσιν συνισταμένων τῶν ἀδικημάτων, τοὺς οὕτως ἀπ' ὀλίγων εὐτελῶς ζῶντας δικαιοτάτους εὔλογον κληθῆναι· ἐπεὶ καὶ οἱ φιλόσοφοι τῇ σωφροσύνῃ τὴν δικαιοσύνην ἐγγυτάτω τιθέντες τὸ αὔταρκες καὶ τὸ λιτὸν ἐν τοῖς πρώτοις ἐζήλωσαν· ἀφ' οὗ καὶ προεκπτώσεις τινὰς αὐτῶν παρέωσαν ἐπὶ τὸν κυνισμόν. τὸ δὲ χήρους γυναικῶν οἰκεῖν οὐδεμίαν τοιαύτην ἔμφασιν ὑπογράφει, καὶ μάλιστα παρὰ τοῖς Θρᾳξὶ καὶ τούτων τοῖς Γέταις. ὅρα δ' ἃ λέγει Μένανδρος περὶ αὐτῶν οὐ πλάσας, ὡς εἰκός, ἀλλ' ἐξ ἱστορίας λαβών

πάντες μὲν οἱ Θρᾷκες, μάλιστα δ' οἱ Γέται ἡμεῖς ἁπάντων καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς εὔχομαι ἐκεῖθεν εἶναι τὸ γένος οὐ σφόδρ' ἐγκρατεῖς ἐσμέν.

καὶ ὑποβὰς μικρὸν τῆς περὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ἀκρασίας τίθησι τὰ παραδείγματα·

γαμεῖ γὰρ ἡμῶν οὐδὲ εἷς, εἰ μὴ δέκ' ἢ ἕνδεκα γυναῖκας δώδεκά τ' ἢ πλείους τινές· ἂν τέτταρας δ' ἢ πέντε γεγαμηκὼς τύχῃ καταστροφῆς τις, ἀνυμέναιος ἄθλιος ἄνυμφος οὗτος ἐπικαλεῖτ' ἐν τοῖς ἐκεῖ.

ταῦτα γὰρ ὁμολογεῖται μὲν καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἄλλων, οὐκ εἰκὸς δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἅμα μὲν ἄθλιον νομίζειν βίον τὸν μὴ μετὰ πολλῶν γυναικῶν, ἅμα δὲ σπουδαῖον καὶ δίκαιον τὸν τῶν γυναικῶν χῆρον. τὸ δὲ δὴ καὶ θεοσεβεῖς νομίζειν καὶ καπνοβάτας τοὺς ἐρήμους γυναικῶν σφόδρα ἐναντιοῦται ταῖς κοιναῖς ὑπολήψεσιν. ἅπαντες γὰρ τῆς δεισιδαιμονίας ἀρχηγοὺς οἴονται τὰς γυναῖκας· αὗται δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας προκαλοῦνται πρὸς τὰς ἐπὶ πλέον θεραπείας τῶν θεῶν καὶ ἑορτὰς καὶ ποτνιασμούς· σπάνιον δ' εἴ τις ἀνὴρ καθ' αὑτὸν ζῶν εὑρίσκεται τοιοῦτος. ὅρα δὲ πάλιν τὸν αὐτὸν ποιητὴν ἃ λέγει εἰσάγων τὸν ἀχθόμενον ταῖς περὶ τὰς θυσίας τῶν γυναικῶν δαπάναις καὶ λέγοντα

ἐπιτρίβουσι δ' ἡμᾶς οἱ θεοί, μάλιστα τοὺς γήμαντας· ἀεὶ γάρ τινα ἄγειν ἑορτήν ἐστ' ἀνάγκη.

τὸν δὲ μισογύνην αὐτὰ ταῦτα αἰτιώμενον

ἐθύομεν δὲ πεντάκις τῆς ἡμέρας, ἐκυμβάλιζον δ' ἑπτὰ θεράπαιναι κύκλῳ, αἱ δ' ὠλόλυζον.

τὸ μὲν οὖν ἰδίως τοὺς ἀγύνους τῶν Γετῶν εὐσεβεῖς νομίζεσθαι παράλογόν τι ἐμφαίνει· τὸ δ' ἰσχύειν ἐν τῷ ἔθνει τούτῳ τὴν περὶ τὸ θεῖον σπουδὴν ἔκ τε ὧν εἶπε Ποσειδώνιος οὐκ ἀπιστητέον καὶ ἐκ τῆς ἄλλης ἱστορίας.

However, it is perhaps superfluous to disturb the reading that has had approval for so many years; for it is much more credible that the people were called Mysi at first and that later their name was changed to what it is now. And as for the term “Abii,” one might interpret it as meaning those who are “without hearth:” and “live on wagons” quite as well as those who are “bereft”; for since, in general, injustices arise only in connection with contracts and a too high regard for property, so it is reasonable that those who, like the Abii, live cheaply, on slight resources, should have been called “most just.” In fact, the philosophers who put justice next to self-restraint strive above all things for frugality and personal independence; and consequently extreme self-restraint diverts some of them to the Cynical mode of life. But as for the statement that they live “bereft of women,” the poet suggests nothing of the sort, and particularly in the country of the Thracians and of those of their number who are Getae. And see the statement of Menander about them, which, as one may reasonably suppose, was not invented by him but taken from history: “All the Thracians, and most of all we Getae (for I too boast that I am of this stock) are not very continent;” {71} and a little below he sets down the proofs of their incontinence in their relations with women: “For every man of us marries ten or eleven women, and some, twelve or more; but if anyone meets death before he has married more than four or five, he is lamented among the people there as a wretch without bride and nuptial song.” {72} Indeed, these facts are confirmed by the other writers as well. Further, it is not reasonable to suppose that the same people regard as wretched a life without many women, and yet at the same time regard as pious and just a life that is wholly bereft of women. And of course to regard as “both god-fearing and capnobatae” those who are without women is very much opposed to the common notions on that subject; for all agree in regarding the women as the chief founders of religion, and it is the women who provoke the men to the more attentive worship of the gods, to festivals, and to supplications, and it is a rare thing for a man who lives by himself to be found addicted to these things. See again what the same poet says when he introduces as speaker the man who is vexed by the money spent by the women in connection with the sacrifices: “The gods are the undoing of us, especially us married men, for we must always be celebrating some festival;” {73} and again when he introduces the Woman-hater, who complains about these very things: “we used to sacrifice five times a day, and seven female attendants would beat the cymbals all round us, while others would cry out to the gods.” {74} So, then, the interpretation that the wifeless men of the Getae are in a special way reverential towards the gods is clearly contrary to reason, whereas the interpretation that zeal for religion is strong in this tribe, and that because of their reverence for the gods the people abstain from eating any living thing, is one which, both from what Poseidonius and from what the histories in general tell us, should not be disbelieved.

71. Menander Fr. 547 (Kock

72. Menander Fr. 548 (Kock

73. Menander Fr. 601 (Kock

74. Menander Fr. 326 (Kock

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λέγεται γάρ τινα τῶν Γετῶν ὄνομα Ζάμολξιν δουλεῦσαι Πυθαγόρᾳ καί τινα τῶν οὐρανίων παρ' ἐκείνου μαθεῖν, τὰ δὲ καὶ παρ' Αἰγυπτίων πλανηθέντα καὶ μέχρι δεῦρο· ἐπανελθόντα δ' εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν σπουδασθῆναι παρὰ τοῖς ἡγεμόσι καὶ τῷ ἔθνει προλέγοντα τὰς ἐπισημασίας, τελευτῶντα δὲ πεῖσαι τὸν βασιλέα κοινωνὸν τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτὸν λαβεῖν ὡς τὰ παρὰ τῶν θεῶν ἐξαγγέλλειν ἱκανόν· καὶ κατ' ἀρχὰς μὲν ἱερέα κατασταθῆναι τοῦ μάλιστα τιμωμένου παρ' αὐτοῖς θεοῦ, μετὰ ταῦτα δὲ καὶ θεὸν προσαγορευθῆναι, καὶ καταλαβόντα ἀντρῶδές τι χωρίον ἄβατον τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐνταῦθα διαιτᾶσθαι, σπάνιον ἐντυγχάνοντα τοῖς ἐκτὸς πλὴν τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τῶν θεραπόντων· συμπράττειν δὲ τὸν βασιλέα ὁρῶντα τοὺς ἀνθρώπους προσέχοντας ἑαυτῷ πολὺ πλέον ἢ πρότερον, ὡς ἐκφέροντι τὰ προστάγματα κατὰ συμβουλὴν θεῶν. τουτὶ δὲ τὸ ἔθος διέτεινεν ἄχρι καὶ εἰς ἡμᾶς, ἀεί τινος εὑρισκομένου τοιούτου τὸ ἦθος, ὃς τῷ μὲν βασιλεῖ σύμβουλος ὑπῆρχε, παρὰ δὲ τοῖς Γέταις ὠνομάζετο θεός· καὶ τὸ ὄρος ὑπελήφθη ἱερόν, καὶ προσαγορεύουσιν οὕτως· ὄνομα δ' αὐτῷ Κωγαίονον ὁμώνυμον τῷ παραρρέοντι ποταμῷ. καὶ δὴ ὅτε Βυρεβίστας ἦρχε τῶν Γετῶν, ἐφ' ὃν ἤδη παρεσκευάσατο Καῖσαρ ὁ θεὸς στρατεύειν, Δεκαίνεος εἶχε ταύτην τὴν τιμήν, καί πως τὸ τῶν ἐμψύχων ἀπέχεσθαι Πυθαγόρειον τοῦ Ζαμόλξιος ἔμεινε παραδοθέν.

In fact, it is said that a certain man of the Getae, Zamolxis by name, had been a slave to Pythagoras, and had learned some things about the heavenly bodies from him, {75} as also certain other things from the Egyptians, for in his wanderings he had gone even as far as Egypt; and when he came on back to his home-land he was eagerly courted by the rulers and the people of the tribe, because he could make predictions from the celestial signs; and at last he persuaded the king to take him as a partner in the government, on the ground that he was competent to report the will of the gods; and although at the outset he was only made a priest of the god who was most honored in their country, yet afterwards he was even addressed as god, and having taken possession of a certain cavernous place that was inaccessible to anyone else he spent his life there, only rarely meeting with any people outside except the king and his own attendants; and the king cooperated with him, because he saw that the people paid much more attention to himself than before, in the belief that the decrees which he promulgated were in accordance with the counsel of the gods. This custom persisted even down to our own time, because some man of that character was always to be found, who, though in fact only a counsellor to the king, was called god among the Getae. And the people took up the notion that the mountain {76} was sacred and they so call it, but its name is Cogaeonum, {77} like that of the river which flows past it. So, too, at the time when Byrebistas, {78} against whom already {79} the Deified Caesar had prepared to make an expedition, was reigning over the Getae, the office in question was held by Decaeneus, and somehow or other the Pythagorean doctrine of abstention from eating any living thing still survived as taught by Zamolxis.

75. For another version of the story of Zamolxis, see Hdt. 4.94-96, who doubts whether such a man ever existed, but says that he was reputed to have been, for a time, a slave pf Pythagoras in Samos.

76. The “cavernous place” previously referred to.

77. Some scholars identify this mountain with what is now Mt. Gogany (near Mika); others, with Mt. Kaszon (on the borders of Transylvania and Moldavia). The former is more likely.

78. Strabo also spells the name “Boerebistas (7. 3. 11, 12).

79. Cp. 7. 3. 11.

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τοιαῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁὖ κακῶς ἄν τις διαποροίη περὶ τῶν κειμένων παρὰ τῷ ποιητῇ περί τε Μυσῶν καὶ ἀγαυῶν ἱππημολγῶν· ἃ δ' Ἀπολλόδωρος ἐν τῷ δευτέρῳ περὶ νεῶν προοιμιαζόμενος εἴρηκεν ἥκιστα λέγοιτ' ἄν. ἐπαινεῖ γὰρ Ἐρατοσθένους ἀπόφασιν, ὅτι φησὶν ἐκεῖνος καὶ Ὅμηρον καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς παλαιοὺς τὰ μὲν Ἑλληνικὰ εἰδέναι τῶν δὲ πόρρω πολλὴν ἔχειν ἀπειρίαν, ἀπείρους μὲν μακρῶν ὁδῶν ὄντας ἀπείρους δὲ τοῦ ναυτίλλεσθαι. συνηγορῶν δὲ τούτοις Ὅμηρόν φησι τὴν μὲν Αὐλίδα καλεῖν πετρήεσσαν, ὥσπερ καὶ ἔστι, πολύκνημον δὲ τὸν Ἐτεωνόν, πολυτρήρωνα δὲ τὴν Θίσβην, ποιήεντα δὲ τὸν Ἁλίαρτον· τὰ δ' ἄπωθεν οὔτ' αὐτὸν εἰδέναι οὔτε τοὺς ἄλλους. ποταμῶν γοῦν περὶ τετταράκοντα ῥεόντων εἰς τὸν Πόντον μηδὲ τῶν ἐνδοξοτάτων μηδενὸς μεμνῆσθαι, οἷον Ἴστρου Τανάιδος Βορυσθένους Ὑπάνιος Φάσιδος Θερμώδοντος Ἅλυος· ἔτι δὲ Σκυθῶν μὲν μὴ μεμνῆσθαι, πλάττειν δὲ ἀγαυούς τινας ἱππημολγοὺς καὶ γαλακτοφάγους ἀβίους τε, Παφλαγόνας τε τοὺς ἐν τῇ μεσογαίᾳ ἱστορηκέναι παρὰ τῶν πεζῇ τοῖς τόποις πλησιασάντων, τὴν παραλίαν δὲ ἀγνοεῖν· καὶ εἰκότως γε. ἄπλουν γὰρ εἶναι τότε τὴν θάλατταν ταύτην καὶ καλεῖσθαι Ἄξενον διὰ τὸ δυσχείμερον καὶ τὴν ἀγριότητα τῶν περιοικούντων ἐθνῶν καὶ μάλιστα τῶν Σκυθικῶν, ξενοθυτούντων καὶ σαρκοφαγούντων καὶ τοῖς κρανίοις ἐκπώμασι χρωμένων· ὕστερον δ' Εὔξεινον κεκλῆσθαι τῶν Ἰώνων ἐν τῇ παραλίᾳ πόλεις κτισάντων· ὁμοίως δ' ἀγνοεῖν καὶ τὰ περὶ Αἴγυπτον καὶ Λιβύην, οἷον τὰς ἀναβάσεις τοῦ Νείλου καὶ προσχώσεις τοῦ πελάγους, ὧν οὐδαμοῦ μεμνῆσθαι, οὐδὲ τοῦ ἰσθμοῦ τοῦ μεταξὺ τῆς Ἐρυθρᾶς καὶ τῆς Αἰγυπτίας θαλάττης, οὐδὲ τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἀραβίαν καὶ Αἰθιοπίαν καὶ τὸν ὠκεανόν, εἰ μὴ Ζήνωνι τῷ φιλοσόφῳ προσεκτέον γράφοντι

Αἰθίοπάς θ' ἱκόμην καὶ Σιδονίους Ἄραβάς τε.

οὐ θαυμαστὸν δ' εἶναι περὶ Ὁμήρου· καὶ γὰρ τοὺς ἔτι νεωτέρους ἐκείνου πολλὰ ἀγνοεῖν καὶ τερατολογεῖν, Ἡσίοδον μὲν Ἡμίκυνας λέγοντα καὶ Μεγαλοκεφάλους καὶ Πυγμαίους, Ἀλκμᾶνα δὲ Στεγανόποδας, Αἰσχύλον δὲ κυνοκεφάλους καὶ στερνοφθάλμους καὶ μονομμάτους καὶ ἄλλα μυρία. ἀπὸ δὲ τούτων ἐπὶ τοὺς συγγραφέας βαδίζει Ῥιπαῖα ὄρη λέγοντας καὶ τὸ Ὠγύιον ὄρος καὶ τὴν τῶν Γοργόνων καὶ Ἑσπερίδων κατοικίαν, καὶ τὴν παρὰ Θεοπόμπῳ Μεροπίδα γῆν, παρ' Ἑκαταίῳ δὲ Κιμμερίδα πόλιν, παρ' Εὐημέρῳ δὲ τὴν Παγχαΐαν γῆν, παρ' Ἀριστοτέλει δὲ ποταμίους λίθους ἐξ ἄμμου . . . ἐκ δὲ τῶν ὄμβρων τήκεσθαι, ἐν δὲ τῇ Λιβύῃ Διονύσου πόλιν εἶναι, ταύτην δ' οὐκ ἐνδέχεσθαι δὶς τὸν αὐτὸν ἐξευρεῖν. ἐπιτιμᾷ δὲ καὶ τοῖς περὶ Σικελίαν τὴν πλάνην λέγουσι καθ' Ὅμηρον τὴν Ὀδυσσέως· εἰ γὰρ αὖ χρῆναι τὴν μὲν πλάνην ἐκεῖ γεγονέναι φάσκειν, τὸν δὲ ποιητὴν ἐξωκεανικέναι μυθολογίας χάριν. καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις συγγνώμην εἶναι, Καλλιμάχῳ δὲ μὴ πάνυ μεταποιουμένῳ γε γραμματικῆς, ὃς τὴν μὲν Γαῦδον Καλυψοῦς νῆσόν φησι, τὴν δὲ Κόρκυραν Σχερίαν. ἄλλους δ' αἰτιᾶται ψεύσασθαι περὶ Γερήνων καὶ τοῦ Ἀκακησίου καὶ Δήμου ἐν Ἰθάκῃ, Πελεθρονίου δ' ἐν Πηλίῳ, Γλαυκωπίου δ' ἐν Ἀθήναις. τούτοις δὲ μικρά τινα προσθεὶς τοιαῦτα παύεται, τὰ πλεῖστα μετενέγκας παρὰ τοῦ Ἐρατοσθένους, ὡς καὶ πρότερον ἐμνήσθημεν, οὐκ εὖ εἰρημένα. τὸ μὲν γὰρ τοὺς ὕστερον ἐμπειροτέρους γεγονέναι τῶν πάλαι περὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα καὶ Ἐρατοσθένει καὶ τούτῳ δοτέον· τὸ δ' οὕτω πέρα τοῦ μετρίου προάγειν καὶ μάλιστα ἐφ' Ὁμήρου, δοκεῖ μοι κἂν ἐπιπλῆξαί τις δικαίως καὶ τοὐναντίον εἰπεῖν, ὡς περὶ ὧν ἀγνοοῦσιν αὐτοί, περὶ τούτων τῷ ποιητῇ προφέρουσι. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἄλλα ἐν τοῖς καθ' ἕκαστα οἰκείας μνήμης τυγχάνει, τὰ δ' ἐν τοῖς καθόλου.

Now although such difficulties as these might fairly be raised concerning what is found in the text of Homer about the Mysians and the “proud Hippemolgi,” yet what Apollodorus states in the preface to the Second Book of his work On Ships {80} can by no means be asserted; for he approves the declaration of Eratosthenes, that although both Homer and the other early authors knew the Greek places, they were decidedly unacquainted with those that were far away, since they had no experience either in making long journeys by land or in making voyages by sea. And in support of this Apollodorus says that Homer calls Aulis “rocky” {81} (and so it is), and Eteonus “place of many ridges,” {82} and Thisbe “haunt of doves,” {83} and Haliartus “grassy,” {84} but, he says, neither Homer nor the others knew the places that were far away. At any rate, he says, although about forty rivers now into the Pontus, Homer mentions not a single one of those that are the most famous, as, for example, the Ister, the Tanaïs, the Borysthenes, the Hypanis, the Phasis, the Thermodon, the Halys; {85} and, besides, he does not mention the Scythians, but invents certain “proud Hippemolgi” and “Galactophagi” and “Abii”; and as for the Paphlagonians of the interior, he reports what he has learned from those who have approached the regions afoot, but he is ignorant of the seaboard, {86} and naturally so, for at that time this sea was not navigable, and was called Axine {87} because of its wintry storms and the ferocity of the tribes that lived around it, and particularly the Scythians, in that they sacrificed strangers, ate their flesh, and used their skulls as drinking-cups; but later it was called “Euxine,” {88} when the Ionians founded cities on the seaboard. And, likewise, Homer is also ignorant of the facts about Egypt and Libya, as, for example, about the risings of the Nile and the silting up of the sea, {89} things which he nowhere mentions; neither does he mention the isthmus between the Erythraean {90} and the Egyptian {91} Seas, nor the regions of Arabia and Ethiopia and the ocean, unless one should give heed to Zeno the philosopher when he writes, “And I came to the Ethiopians and Sidonians and Arabians.” {92} {93} But this ignorance in Homer's case is not amazing, for those who have lived later than he have been ignorant of many things and have invented marvellous tales: Hesiod, when he speaks of “men who are half-dog,” {94} of “long-headed men,” and of “Pygmies”; and Alcman, when he speaks of “web footed men”; and Aeschylus, when he speaks of “dog-headed men,” of “men with eyes in their breasts”, and of “one-eyed men” (in his Prometheus it is said {95} ); and a host of other tales. From these men he proceeds against the historians who speak of the “Rhipaean Mountains,” {96} and of “Mt. Ogyium,” {97} and of the settlement of the Gorgons and Hesperides, and of the “Land of Meropis” {98} in Theopompus, {99} and the “City of Cimmeris” in Hecataeus, {100} and the “Land of Panchaea” {101} in Euhemerus, {102} and in Aristotle “the river-stones, which are formed of sand but are melted by the rains.” {103} And in Libya, Apollodorus continues, there is a “City of Dionysus” which it is impossible for the same man ever to find twice. He censures also those who speak of the Homeric wanderings of Odysseus as having been in the neighborhood of Sicily; for in that case, says he, one should go on and say that, although the wanderings took place there, the poet, for the sake of mythology, placed them out in Oceanus. {104} And, he adds, the writers in general can be pardoned, but Callimachus {105} cannot be pardoned at all, because he makes a pretence of being a scholar; {106} for he calls Gaudos {107} the “Isle of Calypso” and Corcyra “Scheria.” And others he charges with falsifying about “Gerena,” {108} and “Aeacesium,” {109} and “Demus” {110} in Ithaca, and about “Pelethronium” {111} in Pelion, and about Glaucopium {112} in Athens. To these criticisms Apollodorus adds some petty ones of like sort and then stops, but he borrowed most of them from Eratosthenes, and as I have remarked before {113} they are wrong. For while one must concede to Eratosthenes and Apollodorus that the later writers have shown themselves better acquainted with such matters than the men of early times, yet to proceed beyond all moderation as they do, and particularly in the case of Homer, is a thing for which, as it seems to me, one might justly rebuke them and make the reverse statement: that where they are ignorant themselves, there they reproach the poet with ignorance. However, what remains to be said on this subject meets with appropriate mention in my detailed descriptions of the several countries, {114} as also in my general description. {115}

80. Or rather On the Catalogue of Ships (1. 2. 24).

81. Hom. Il. 2.496.

82. Hom. Il. 2.497.

83. Hom. Il. 2.502.

84. Hom. Il. 2.503.

85. Now, respectively, the Danube, Don, Dnieper, Bog, Rion, Termeh, and Kizil-Irmak.

86. Cp. 12. 3. 26.

87. That is “Inhospitable.

88. “Hospitable,” euphemistically.

89. Cp. 1. 2. 29.

90. Red.

91. Mediterranean.

92. Hom Od. 4.84

93. Zeno emended the Homeric text to read as above (see 1. 2. 34).

94. Cp. 1. 2. 35.

95. Aeschylus refers to “one-eyed” men in Aesch. PB 804. The other epithets (See Nauck, Fr. 431, 441) were taken from plays now lost.

96. Cp. 7. 3. 1.

97. “Mt. Ogyium” is otherwise unknown. The reading is probably corrupt.

98. Aelian Var. Hist. 3.18 says that Theopompus the historian related a conversation between King Midas and Silenus in which Silenus reported a race called “meropians” who inhabited a continent larger than Asia, Europe, and Africa combined.

99. Theopompus (b. about 380 B.C.) write, among other works, two histories, (1) the Hellenica, in twelve books, being a continuation of Thucydides and covering the period from 411 to 394 B.C., and (2) the Philippica, in fifty-eight books, being a history of the life and times of Philip of Macedon (360-336 BC.). Only a few fragments of these works remain.

100. Hecataeus (b. about 540 B.C.) wrote both a geographical and an historical treatise. Only fragments remain.

101. Cp. 2. 4. 2.

102. Euhemerus (fl. about 310 B.C.) wrote a work on Sacred History (cp. 1. 3. 1).

103. Such words as these have not been found in the extant works of Aristotle.

104. Cp. 1. 2. 17-19.

105. Callimachus of Cyrene (fl. about 250 B.C.) is said to have written about 800 works, in prose and verse. Only 6 hymns, 64 epigrams and some fragments are extant.

106. Cp. 1. 2. 37.

107. See footnote 2 on 1. 2. 37.

108. Cp. 8. 3. 7, 29 and the Odyssey (the “Gerenian” Nestor).

109. Strabo alludes to the wrong interpretation which some put upon ἀκάκητα, the epithet of Hermes (Hom. Il. 16.185), making it refer to a cavern in “Arcadia, called “Acacesium,” near Mt. Cyllene, where Hermes was born. Hesiod (Theog. 614) gives the same epithet to Prometheus, who, according to the scholiast, was so called from “Mt. Acacesium” in Arcadia, where he was much revered.

110. Hom. Il. 3.201. The critics in question maintained that “demus” (“deme,” “people”) was the name of a place in Ithaca.

111. “Pelethronium” is not found in Homer of Hesiod. According to some it was a city of Thessaly; others, a mountain (or a part of Mt. Pelion) in Thessaly; and others, the cave where Cheiron trained Achilles.

112. “Glauconpium” is not found in Homer or Hesiod. According to Eustathius it was applied by the ancients to the citadel of Athens, or to the temple of Athene, and was derived from Athene “Glaucopis” (“Flashing-eyed”); but Stephanus Byzantinus derives the word from Glaucopus, son of Alalcomeneus.

113. 1. 2. 24.

114. For example, 12. 3. 26-27.

115. The first and second books, passim.

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νυνὶ δὲ περὶ Θρᾳκῶν ἐλέγομεν

Μυσῶν τ' ἀγχεμάχων καὶ ἀγαυῶν ἱππημολγῶν, γλακτοφάγων ἀβίων τε, δικαιοτάτων ἀνθρώπων,

βουλόμενοι συγκρῖναι τά τε ὑφ' ἡμῶν καὶ τὰ ὑπὸ Ποσειδωνίου λεχθέντα καὶ τὰ ὑπὸ τούτων· πρότερον δ' ὅτι τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν ὑπεναντίαν τοῖς προτεθεῖσι πεποίηνται. προὔθεντο μὲν γὰρ διδάξαι διότι τῶν πόρρω τῆς Ἑλλάδος πλείων ἦν ἄγνοια τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις ἢ τοῖς νεωτέροις, ἔδειξαν δὲ τἀναντία, καὶ οὐ κατἆ τὰ πόρρω μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ Ἑλλάδι. ἀλλ', ὡς ἔφην, τὰ ἄλλα μὲν ὑπερκείσθω, τὰ δὲ νῦν σκοπῶμεν. Σκυθῶν μὲν γὰρ μἦ μεμνῆσθαι κατ' ἄγνοιάν φασι, μηδὲ τῆς περὶ τοὺς ξένους ὠμότητος αὐτῶν, καταθυόντων καὶ σαρκοφαγούντων καὶ τοῖς κρανίοις ἐκπώμασι χρωμένων, δι' οὓς Ἄξενος ὠνομάζετο ὁ πόντος, πλάττειν δ' ἀγαυούς τινας ἱππημολγοὺς γαλακτοφάγους ἀβίους τε, δικαιοτάτους ἀνθρώπους, τοὺς οὐδαμοῦ γῆς ὄντας. πῶς οὖν Ἄξενον ὠνόμαζον, εἰ μὴ ᾔδεισαν τὴν ἀγριότητα, μηδ' αὐτοὺς τοὺς μάλιστα τοιούτους; οὗτοι δ' εἰσὶ δήπου οἱ Σκύθαι. πότερον δ' οὐδ' ἱππημολγοὶ ἦσαν οἱ ἐπέκεινα τῶν Μυσῶν καὶ Θρᾳκῶν καὶ Γετῶν, οὐδὲ γαλακτοφάγοι καὶ ἄβιοι; ἀλλὰ καὶ νῦν εἰσιν ἁμάξοικοι καὶ νομάδες καλούμενοι, ζῶντες ἀπὸ θρεμμάτων καὶ γάλακτος καὶ τυροῦ καὶ μάλιστα ἱππείου, θησαυρισμὸν δ' οὐκ εἰδότες οὐδὲ καπηλείαν πλὴν εἰ φόρτον ἀντὶ φόρτου. πῶς οὖν ἠγνόει τοὺς Σκύθας ὁ ποιητής, ἱππημολγοὺς καὶ γαλακτοφάγους τινὰς προσαγορεύων; ὅτι γὰρ οἱ τότε τούτους ἱππημολγοὺς ἐκάλουν, καὶ Ἡσίοδος μάρτυς ἐν τοῖς ὑπ' Ἐρατοσθένους παρατεθεῖσιν ἔπεσιν

Αἰθίοπας τε Λίγυς τε ἰδὲ Σκύθας ἱππημολγούς.

τί δὲ θαυμαστόν, εἰ διὰ τὸ πλεονάζειν παρ' ἡμῖν τὴν περὶ τὰ συμβόλαια ἀδικίαν δικαιοτάτους εἶπεν ἀνθρώπους τοὺς ἥκιστα ἐν τοῖς συμβολαίοις καὶ τῷ ἀργυρισμῷ ζῶντας, ἀλλὰ καὶ κοινὰ κεκτημένους πάντα πλὴν ξίφους καὶ ποτηρίου, ἐν δὲ τοῖς πρῶτον τὰς γυναῖκας πλατωνικῶς ἔχοντας κοινὰς καὶ τέκνα; καὶ Αἰσχύλος δ' ἐμφαίνει συνηγορῶν τῷ ποιητῇ φήσας περὶ τῶν Σκυθῶν

ἀλλ' ἱππάκης βρωτῆρες εὔνομοι Σκύθα

αὕτη δ' ἡ ὑπόληψις καὶ νῦν ἔτι συμμένει παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν· ἁπλουστάτους τε γὰρ αὐτοὺς νομίζομεν καὶ ἥκιστα κακεντρεχεῖς εὐτελεστέρους τε πολὺ ἡμῶν καὶ αὐταρκεστέρους· καίτοι ὅ γε καθ' ἡμᾶς βίος εἰς πάντας σχεδόν τι διατέτακε τὴν πρὸς τὸ χεῖρον μεταβολήν, τρυφὴν καὶ ἡδονὰς καὶ κακοτεχνίας καὶ πλεονεξίας μυρίας πρὸς ταῦτ' εἰσάγων. πολὺ οὖν τῆς τοιαύτης κακίας καὶ εἰς τοὺς βαρβάρους ἐμπέπτωκε τούς τε ἄλλους καὶ τοὺς νομάδας· καὶ γὰρ θαλάττης ἁψάμενοι χείρους γεγόνασι λῃστεύοντες καὶ ξενοκτονοῦντες, καὶ ἐπιπλεκόμενοι πολλοῖς μεταλαμβάνουσι τῆς ἐκείνων πολυτελείας καὶ καπηλείας· ἃ δοκεῖ μὲν εἰς ἡμερότητα συντείνειν, διαφθείρει δὲ τὰ ἤθη καὶ ποικιλίαν ἀντὶ τῆς ἁπλότητος τῆς ἄρτι λεχθείσης εἰσάγει.

Just now I was discussing the Thracians, and the “Mysians, hand-to-hand fighters, and the proud Hippemolgi, Galactophagi, and Abii, men most just,” {116} {117} because I wished to make a comparison between the statements made by Poseidonius and myself and those made by the two men in question. Take first the fact that the argument which they have attempted is contrary to the proposition which they set out to prove; for although they set out to prove that the men of earlier times were more ignorant of regions remote from Greece than the men of more recent times, they showed the reverse, not only in regard to regions remote, but also in regard to places in Greece itself. However, as I was saying, let me put off everything else and look to what is now before me: they {118} say that the poet through ignorance fails to mention the Scythians, or their savage dealings with strangers, in that they sacrifice them, eat their flesh, and use their skulls as drinking-cups, although it was on account of the Scythians that the Puntus was called “Axine,” but that he invents certain “proud Hippemolgi, Galactophagi, and Abii, men most just”--people that exist nowhere on earth, How, then, could they call the sea “Axine” if they did not know about the ferocity or about the people who were most ferocious? And these, of course, are the Scythians. And were the people who lived beyond the Mysians and Thracians and Getae not also “Hippemolgi,” {119} not also “Galactophagi” {120} and “Abii”? {121} In fact, even now {122} there are Wagon-dwellers and Nomads, so called, who live off their herds, and on milk and cheese, and particularly on cheese made from mare's milk, and know nothing about storing up food or about peddling merchandise either, except the exchange of wares for wares. How, then, could the poet be ignorant of the Scythians if he called certain people “Hippemolgi and Galactophagi”? For that the people of his time were wont to call the Scythians “Hippemolgi,” Hesiod, too, is witness in the words cited by Eratosthenes: The Ethiopians, the Ligurians, and also the Scythians, Hippemolgi.” {123} Now wherein is it to be wondered at that, because of the widespread injustice connected with contracts in our country, Homer called “most just” and “proud” those who by no means spend their lives on contracts and money-getting but actually possess all things in common except sword and drinking-cup, and above all things have their wives and their children in common, in the Platonic way? {124} Aeschylus, too, is clearly pleading the cause of the poet when he says about the Scythians: “But the Scythians, law-abiding, eaters of cheese made of mare's milk.” {125} And this assumption even now still persists among the Greeks; for we regard the Scythians the most straightforward of men and the least prone to mischief, as also far more frugal and independent of others than we are. And yet our mode of life has spread its change for the worse to almost all peoples, introducing amongst them luxury and sensual pleasures and, to satisfy these vices, base artifices that lead to innumerable acts of greed. So then, much wickedness of this sort has fallen on the barbarian peoples also, on the Nomads as well as the rest; for as the result of taking up a seafaring life they not only have become morally worse, indulging in the practice of piracy and of slaying strangers, but also, because of their intercourse with many peoples, have partaken of the luxury and the peddling habits of those peoples. But though these things seem to conduce strongly to gentleness of manner, they corrupt morals and introduce cunning instead of the straightforwardness which I just now mentioned.

116. Hom. Il. 13.5f.

117. See 7. 3. 2 and the footnote.

118. Eratosthenes and Apollodorus.

119. “Mare-milkers.”

120. “Curd-eaters.”

121. “A resourceless folk.”

122. Cp. the similar words quoted from Ephorus, 7. 3. 9.

123. Eratosthenes Fr. 232 (Loeb); (Rzach, Fr. 55

124. Plat. Rep. 457d, 458c-d, 460b-d, 540, 543.

125. Aesch. Fr. 198 (Nauck)

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οἱ μέντοι πρὸ ἡμῶν καὶ μάλιστα οἱ ἐγγὺς τοῖς Ὁμήρου χρόνοις τοιοῦτοί τινες ἦσαν καὶ ὑπελαμβάνοντο παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ὁποίους Ὅμηρός φησιν. ὅρα δὲ ἃ λέγει Ἡρόδοτος περὶ τοῦ τῶν Σκυθῶν βασιλέως, ἐφ' ὃν ἐστράτευσε Δαρεῖος, καὶ τὰ ἐπεσταλμένα παρ' αὐτοῦ. ὅρα δὲ καὶ ἃ λέγει Χρύσιππος περὶ τῶν τοῦ Βοσπόρου βασιλέων τῶν περὶ Λεύκωνα. πλήρεις δὲ καὶ αἱ Περσικαὶ ἐπιστολαὶ τῆς ἁπλότητος ἧς λέγω, καὶ τὰ ὑπὸ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων καὶ Βαβυλωνίων καὶ Ἰνδῶν ἀπομνημονευόμενα. διὰ τοῦτο δὲ καὶ ὁ Ἀνάχαρσις καὶ Ἄβαρις καί τινες ἄλλοι τοιοῦτοι παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν εὐδοκίμουν, ὅτι ἐθνικόν τινα χαρακτῆρα ἐπέφαινον εὐκολίας καὶ λιτότητος καὶ δικαιοσύνης. καὶ τί δεῖ τοὺς πάλαι λέγειν; Ἀλέξανδρος γὰρ ὁ Φιλίππου κατὰ τὴν ἐπὶ Θρᾷκας τοὺς ὑπὲρ τοῦ Αἵμου στρατείαν ἐμβαλὼν εἰς Τριβαλλούς, ὁρῶν μέχρι τοῦ Ἴστρου καθήκοντας καὶ τῆς ἐν αὐτῷ νήσου Πεύκης, τὰ πέραν δὲ Γέτας ἔχοντας, ἀφῖχθαι λέγεται μέχρι δεῦρο, καὶ εἰς μὲν τὴν νῆσον ἀποβῆναι μὴ δύνασθαι σπάνει πλοίων ἐκεῖσε γὰρ καταφυγόντα τὸν τῶν Τριβαλλῶν βασιλέα Σύρμον ἀντισχεῖν πρὸς τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν , εἰς δὲ τοὺς Γέτας διαβάντα ἑλεῖν αὐτῶν πόλιν καὶ ἀναστρέψαι διὰ ταχέων εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, λαβόντα δῶρα παρἆ τῶν ἐθνῶν καὶ παρὰ τοῦ Σύρμου. φησὶ δὲ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Λάγου κατὰ ταύτην τὴν στρατείαν συμμῖξαι τῷ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ Κελτοὺς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἀδρίαν φιλίας καὶ ξενίας χάριν, δεξάμενον δὲ αὐτοὺς φιλοφρόνως τὸν βασιλέα ἐρέσθαι παρὰ πότον, τί μάλιστα εἴη ὃ φοβοῖντο, νομίζοντα αὐτὸν ἐρεῖν· αὐτοὺς δ' ἀποκρίνασθαι ὅτι οὐδὲν πλὴν εἰ ἄρα μὴ ὁ οὐρανὸς αὐτοῖς ἐπιπέσοι, φιλίαν γε μὴν ἀνδρὸς τοιούτου περὶ παντὸς τίθεσθαι. ταῦτα δὲ ἁπλότητος τῆς τῶν βαρβάρων ἐστὶ σημεῖα, τοῦ τε μὴ συγχωρήσαντος μὲν τὴν ἀπόβασιν τὴν εἰς τὴν νῆσον, δῶρα δὲ πέμψαντος καὶ συνθεμένου φιλίαν, καὶ τῶν φοβεῖσθαι μὲν οὐδένα φαμένων, φιλίαν δὲ περὶ παντὸς τίθεσθαι μεγάλων ἀνδρῶν. ὅτε Δρομιχαίτης κατὰ τοὺς διαδόχους ἦν Γετῶν βασιλεύς· ἐκεῖνος τοίνυν λαβὼν ζωγρίᾳ Λυσίμαχον ἐπιστρατεύσαντα αὐτῷ, δείξας τὴν πενίαν τήν τε ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἔθνους, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὴν αὐτάρκειαν, ἐκέλευσε τοῖς τοιούτοις μὴ πολεμεῖν, ἀλλὰ φίλοις χρῆσθαι· ταῦτα δ' εἰπών, ξενίσας καὶ συνθέμενος φιλίαν ἀπέλυσεν αὐτόν.

Those, however, who lived before our times, and particularly those who lived near the time of Homer, were--and among the Greeks were assumed to be--some such people as Homer describes. And see what Herodotus says concerning that king of the Scythians against whom Dareius made his expedition, and the message which the king sent back to him. {126} See also what Chrysippus {127} says concerning the kings of the Bosporus, the house of Leuco. {128} And not only the Persian letters {129} are full of references to that straightforwardness of which I am speaking but also the memoirs written by the Egyptians, Babylonians, and Indians. And it was on this account that Anacharsis, {130} Abaris, {131} and other men of the sort were in fair repute among the Greeks, because they displayed a nature characterized by complacency, frugality, and justice. But why should I speak of the men of olden times? For when Alexander, the son of Philip, on his expedition against the Thracians beyond the Haemus, {132} invaded the country of the Triballians {133} and saw that it extended as far as the Ister and the island of Peuce {134} in the Ister, and that the parts on the far side were held by the Getae, he went as far as that, {135} it is said, but could not disembark upon the island because of scarcity of boats (for Syrmus, the king of the Triballi had taken refuge there and resisted his attempts); he did, however, cross over to the country of the Getae, took their city, and returned with all speed to his home-land, after receiving gifts from the tribes in question and from Syrmus. And Ptolemaeus, {136} the son of Lagus, {137} says that on this expedition the Celti who lived about the Adriatic joined Alexander for the sake of establishing friendship and hospitality, and that the king received them kindly and asked them when drinking what it was that they most feared, thinking they would say himself, but that they replied they feared no one, unless it were that Heaven might fall on them, although indeed they added that they put above everything else the friendship of such a man as he. And the following are signs of the straightforwardness of the barbarians: first, the fact that Syrmus refused to consent to the debarkation upon the island and yet sent gifts and made a compact of friendship; and, secondly, that the Celti said that they feared no one, and yet valued above everything else the friendship of great men. Earlier, Dromichaetes was king of the Getae in the time of the successors of Alexander. Now he, when he captured Lysimachus {138} alive, who had made an expedition against him, first pointed out the poverty both of himself and of his tribe and likewise their independence of others, and then bade him not to carry on war with people of that sort but rather to deal with them as friends; and after saying this he first entertained him as a guest, and made a compact of friendship, and then released him. Moreover, Plato in his Republic thinks that those who would have a well-governed city should flee as far as possible from the sea, as being a thing that teaches wickedness, and should not live near it. {139}

126. Cp. 7. 3. 14. Dareius sent a message to King Idanthyrsus in which he reproached the latter for fleeing and not fighting. Idanthyrsus replied that he was not fleeing because of fear, but was merely doing what he was wont to do in time of peace; and if Dareius insisted on a fight, he might search out and violate the ancestral tombs, and thus come to realize whether or no the Scythians would fight; “and in reply to your assertion that you are my master, I say ‘howl on’” (Herodotus, 4.127).

127. Chrysippus of Soli (fl. about 230 B.C.), the Stoic philosopher, was a prolific writer, but with the exception of a few fragments his works are lost. The present reference is obviously to his treatise on Modes of Life, which is quoted by Plut. De Stoicorum Repugnantiis 20.3 = 1043 B).

128. Leuco, who succeeded his father Satyrus I, reigned from 393 to 353 B.C. (see 7. 4. 4).

129. i.e., the letters of Persian kings, such as those quoted by Herodotus.

130. Anacharsis was a Scythian prince and philosopher, one of the “Seven Sages,” a traveller, long a resident of Athens (about 590 B.C.), a friend of Solon, and (according to Ephorus) and inventor (7. 3. 9). See Hdt. 4.76.

131. Abaris was called the “Hyperborean” priest and prophet of Apollo, and is said to have visited Athens in the eighth century, or perhaps much later. According to the legend, he healed the sick,m travelled round the world, without once eating, on a golden arrow given him by Apollo, and delivered Sparta from a plague.

132. The Balkan Mountains.

133. A Thracian tribe.

134. See 7. 3. 15 and footnote.

135. i.e., as far as the island.

136. Ptolemaeus Soter, “whom the Macedon (Paus. 1.6), was founder of the Egyptian dynasty and reigned 323-285 B.C.

137. Lagus married Arsinoë, a concubine of Philip.

138. Lysimachus, one of Alexander's generals and successors, obtained Thrace as his portion in the division of the provinces after Alexander's death (323 B.C.), assuming the title of king 306 B.C. He was taken captive, and released, by Dromichaetes 291 B.C.

139. Corais and Groskurd point out that the reference should have been, not to the Republic, but to the Plat. Laws 4.704-705, where Plato discusses the proper place for founding a city; cp. Aristot. Pol. 7.6 on the same subject.

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ἔφορος δ' ἐν τῇ τετάρτῃ μὲν τῆς ἱστορίας Εὐρώπῃ δ' ἐπιγραφομένῃ βίβλῳ, περιοδεύσας τὴν Εὐρώπην μέχρι Σκυθῶν ἐπὶ τέλει φησὶν εἶναι τῶν τε ἄλλων Σκυθῶν καὶ τῶν Σαυροματῶν τοὺς βίους ἀνομοίους· τοὺς μὲν γὰρ εἶναι χαλεποὺς ὥστε καὶ ἀνθρωποφαγεῖν, τοὺς δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ζῴων ἀπέχεσθαι. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι, φησί, τὰ περὶ τῆς ὠμότητος αὐτῶν λέγουσιν, εἰδότες τὸ δεινόν τε καὶ τὸ θαυμαστὸν ἐκπληκτικὸν ὄν· δεῖν δὲ τἀναντία καὶ λέγειν καὶ παραδείγματα ποιεῖσθαι· καὶ αὐτὸς οὖν περὶ τῶν δικαιοτάτοις ἤθεσι χρωμένων ποιήσεσθαι τοὺς λόγους· εἶναι γάρ τινας τῶν νομάδων Σκυθῶν γάλακτι τρεφομένους ἵππων τῇ τε δικαιοσύνῃ πάντων διαφέρειν· μεμνῆσθαι δ' αὐτῶν τοὺς ποιητάς, Ὅμηρον μὲν

γλακτοφάγων Ἀβίων τε, δικαιοτάτων ἀνθρώπων

φήσαντα τὴν γῆν καθορᾶν τὸν Δία, Ἡσίοδον δ' ἐν τῇ καλουμένῃ γῆς περιόδῳ τὸν Φινέα ὑπὸ τῶν Ἁρπυιῶν ἄγεσθαι

γλακτοφάγων εἰς γαῖαν ἀπήναις οἰκί' ἐχόντων.

εἶτ' αἰτιολογεῖ διότι ταῖς διαίταις εὐτελεῖς ὄντες καὶ οὐ χρηματισταὶ πρός τε ἀλλήλους εὐνομοῦνται, κοινὰ πάντα ἔχοντες τά τε ἄλλα καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας καὶ τέκνα καὶ τὴν ὅλην συγγένειαν, πρός τε τοὺς ἐκτὸς ἄμαχοί εἰσι καὶ ἀνίκητοι, οὐδὲν ἔχοντες ὑπὲρ οὗ δουλεύσουσι. καλεῖ δὲ καὶ Χοιρίλον εἰπόντα ἐν τῇ διαβάσει τῆς σχεδίας ἣν ἔζευξε Δαρεῖος

μηλονόμοι τε Σάκαι, γενεῇ Σκύθαι· αὐτὰρ ἔναιον Ἀσίδα πυροφόρον· νομάδων γε μὲν ἦσαν ἄποικοι, ἀνθρώπων νομίμων.

καὶ τὸν Ἀνάχαρσιν δὲ σοφὸν καλῶν ὁ Ἔφορος τούτου τοῦ γένους φησὶν εἶναι· νομισθῆναι δὲ καὶ τῶν ἑπτὰ σοφῶν ἐπ' εὐτελείᾳ σωφροσύνῃ καὶ συνέσει· εὑρήματά τε αὐτοῦ λέγει τά τε ζώπυρα καὶ τὴν ἀμφίβολον ἄγκυραν καὶ τὸν κεραμικὸν τροχόν. ταῦτα δὲ λέγω σαφῶς μὲν εἰδὼς ὅτι καὶ οὗτος αὐτὸς οὐ τἀληθέστατα λέγει περὶ πάντων, καὶ δὴ καὶ τὸ τοῦ Ἀναχάρσιδος· πῶς γὰρ ὁ τροχὸς εὕρημα αὐτοῦ, ὃν οἶδεν Ὅμηρος πρεσβύτερος ὤν; ἀλλ' ἐκεῖνα διασημῆναι βουλόμενος ὅτι κοινῇ τινι φήμῃ καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν παλαιῶν καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν ὑστέρων πεπιστεῦσθαι συνέβαινε τὸ τῶν νομάδων, τοὺς μάλιστα ἀπῳκισμένους ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων γαλακτοφάγους τε εἶναι καὶ ἀβίους καὶ δικαιοτάτους, ἀλλ' οὐχ ὑπὸ Ὁμήρου πεπλάσθαι.

Ephorus, in the fourth book of his history, the book entitled Europe (for he made the circuit {140} of Europe as far as the Scythians), says towards the end that the modes of life both of the Sauromatae and of the other Scythians are unlike, for, whereas some are so cruel that they even eat human beings, others abstain from eating any living creature whatever. Now the other writers, he says, tell only about their savagery, because they know that the terrible and the marvellous are startling, but one should tell the opposite facts too and make them patterns of conduct, and he himself, therefore, will tell only about those who follow “most just” habits, for there are some of the Scythian Nomads who feed only on mare's milk, {141} and excel all men in justice; and they are mentioned by the poets: by Homer, when he says that Zeus espies the land “of the Galactophagi and Abii, men most just,” {142} and by Hesiod, in what is called his Circuit of the Earth, {143} when he says that Phineus is carried by the Storm Winds “to the land of the Galactophagi, who have their dwellings in wagons.” {144} Then Ephorus reasons out the cause as follows: since they are frugal in their ways of living and not money-getters, they not only are orderly towards one another, because they have all things in common, their wives, children, the whole of their kin and everything, but also remain invincible and unconquered by outsiders, because they have nothing to be enslaved for. And he cites Choerilus {145} also, who, in his The Crossing of the Pontoon-Bridge which was constructed by Dareius, {146} says, “the sheep-tending Sacae, of Scythian stock; but they used to live in wheat-producing Asia; however, they were colonists from the Nomads, law-abiding people.” {147} And when he calls Anacharsis “wise,” Ephorus says that he belongs to this race, and that he was considered also one of Seven Wise Men because of his perfect self-control and good sense. And he goes on to tell the inventions of Anacharsis--the bellows, the two-fluked anchor and the potter's wheel. These things I tell knowing full well that Ephorus himself does not tell the whole truth about everything; and particularly in his account of Anacharsis (for how could the wheel be his invention, if Homer, who lived in earlier times, knew of it? “As when a potter his wheel that fits in his hands,” {148} and so on); but as for those other things, I tell them because I wish to make my point clear that there actually was a common report, which was believed by the men of both early and of later times, that a part of the Nomads, I mean those who had settled the farthest away from the rest of mankind, were “galactophagi,” “abii,” and “most just,” and that they were not an invention of Homer.

140. In his description, not literally.

141. Cp. the similar statement in 7. 3. 7.

142. Hom. Il. 13.5

143. This poem seems to have comprised the third book of the Megalae Eoeae (now lost). See Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. “Hesiodus,” p. 1206.

144. Hes. Megalae Eoeae Fr. Book 3

145. Not, apparently, the tragic poet, contemporary of Aeschylus, but the epic poet of Samos (fl. towards the end of the fifth century B.C.), who wrote, among other poems, an epic poem (exact title uncertain) based on the Persian Wars. The Crossing of the Pontoon-Bridge was probably a sub-title of the epic. The same Choerilus is cited in 14. 5. 9.

146. In his campaign by Hdt. 4.83-93; See 7. 3. 15.

147. Choerilus Fr.

148. Hom. Il. 18.600.

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περί τε τῶν Μυσῶν δίκαιός ἐστιν ὑποσχεῖν λόγον τῶν ἐν τοῖς ἔπεσι λεγομένων Ἀπολλόδωρος, πότερ' ἡγεῖται καὶ τούτους εἶναι πλάσμα, ὅταν φῇ ὁ ποιητὴς

Μυσῶν τ' ἀγχεμάχων καὶ ἀγαυῶν ἱππημολγῶν,

ἢ τοὺς ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ δέχεται. τοὺς μὲν οὖν ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ δεχόμενος παρερμηνεύσει τὸν ποιητήν, ὡς προείρηται, πλάσμα δἐ λέγων, ὡς μὴ ὄντων ἐν τῇ Θρᾴκῃ Μυσῶν, παρὰ τὰ ὄντα ἐρεἶ. ἔτι γὰρ ἐφ' ἡμῶν Αἴλιος Κάτος μετῴκισεν ἐκ τῆς περαίας τοῦ Ἴστρου πέντε μυριάδας σωμάτων παρὰ τῶν Γετῶν, ὁμογλώττου τοῖς Θρᾳξὶν ἔθνους, εἰς τὴν Θρᾴκην· καὶ νῦν οἰκοῦσιν αὐτόθι Μοισοὶ καλούμενοι, ἤτοι καὶ τῶν πρότερον οὕτω καλουμένων, ἐν δὲ τῇ Ἀσίᾳ Μυσῶν μετονομασθέντων, ἢ ὅπερ οἰκειότερόν ἐστι τῇ ἱστορίᾳ καὶ τῇ ἀποφάσει τοῦ ποιητοῦ, τῶν ἐν τῇ Θρᾴκῃ Μυσῶν καλουμένων πρότερον. περὶ μὲν δὴ τούτων ἅλις· ἐπάνειμι δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν ἑξῆς περιήγησιν.

It is but fair, too, to ask Apollodorus to account for the Mysians that are mentioned in the verses of Homer, whether he thinks that these too are inventions {149} (when the poet says, “and the Mysians, hand-to-hand fighters and the proud Hippenlolgi” {150} ), or takes the poet to mean the Mysians in Asia. Now if he takes the poet to mean those in Asia, he will misinterpret him, as I have said before, {151} but if he calls them an invention, meaning that there were no Mysians in Thrace, he will contradict the facts; for at any rate, even in our own times, Aelius Catus {152} transplanted from the country on the far side of the Ister into Thrace {153} fifty thousand persons from among the Getae, a tribe with the same tongue as the Thracians. {154} And they live there in Thrace now and are called “Moesi”--whether it be that their people of earlier times were so called and that in Asia the name was changed to “Mysi,” {155} or (what is more apposite to history and the declaration of the poet) that in earlier times their people in Thrace were called “Mysi.” Enough, however, on this subject. I shall now go back to the next topic in the general description.

149. Cp. 7. 3. 6.

150. Hom. Il. 13.4

151. 7. 3. 2.

152. Perhaps as governor of Macedonia. He was consul with C. Sentius 4. A.D.

153. Lower Moesia.

154. Cp. 7. 3. 2.

155. See 7. 3. 4.

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τῶν δὴ Γετῶν τὰ μὲν παλαιὰ ἀφείσθω, τὰ δ' εἰς ἡμᾶς ἤδη τοιαῦτα ὑπῆρξε. Βοιρεβίστας ἀνὴρ Γέτης, ἐπιστὰς ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ ἔθνους ἐπιστασίαν, ἀνέλαβε κεκακωμένους τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ὑπὸ συχνῶν πολέμων καὶ τοσοῦτον ἐπῆρεν ἀσκήσει καὶ νήψει καὶ τῷ προσέχειν τοῖς προστάγμασιν, ὥστ' ὀλίγων ἐτῶν μεγάλην ἀρχὴν κατεστήσατο καὶ τῶν ὁμόρων τοὺς πλείστους ὑπέταξε τοῖς Γ