Strabon Geografia (cartea 6)

 

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 μετὰ δὲ τὸ στόμα τοῦ Σιλάριδος Λευκανία καὶ τὸ τῆς Ἥρας ἱερὸν τῆς Ἀργῴας, Ἰάσονος ἵδρυμα, καὶ πλησίον ἐν πεντήκοντα σταδίοις ἡ Ποσειδωνία. Συβαρῖται μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ θαλάττῃ τεῖχος ἔθεντο, οἱ δ' οἰκισθέντες ἀνωτέρω μετέστησαν, ὕστερον δὲ Λευκανοὶ μὲν ἐκείνους, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ Λευκανοὺς ἀφείλοντο τὴν πόλιν. ποιεῖ δ' αὐτὴν ἐπίνοσον ποταμὸς πλησίον εἰς ἕλη ἀναχεόμενος. ἐντεῦθεν δ' ἐκπλέοντι τὸν κόλπον νῆσος Λευκωσία, μικρὸν ἔχουσα πρὸς τὴν ἤπειρον διάπλουν, ἐπώνυμος μιᾶς τῶν Σειρήνων, ἐκπεσούσης δεῦρο μετὰ τὴν μυθευομένην ῥῖψιν αὐτῶν εἰς τὸν βυθόν. τῆς δὲ νήσου πρόκειται τὸ ἀντακρωτήριον ταῖς Σειρηνούσσαις ποιοῦν τὸν Ποσειδωνιάτην κόλπον. κάμψαντι δ' ἄλλος συνεχὴς κόλπος, ἐν ᾧ πόλις ἣν οἱ μὲν κτίσαντες Φωκαιεῖς Ὑέλην οἱ δὲ Ἔλην ἀπὸ κρήνης τινὸς οἱ δὲ νῦν Ἐλέαν ὀνομάζουσιν, ἐξ ἧς Παρμενίδης καὶ Ζήνων ἐγένοντο ἄνδρες Πυθαγόρειοι. δοκεῖ δέ μοι καὶ δι' ἐκείνους καὶ ἔτι πρότερον εὐνομηθῆναι· διὸ καὶ πρὸς Λευκανοὺς ἀντέσχον καὶ πρὸς Ποσειδωνιάτας καὶ κρείττους ἀπῄεσαν καίπερ ἐνδεέστεροι καὶ χώρᾳ καὶ πλήθει σωμάτων ὄντες. ἀναγκάζονται γοῦν διὰ τὴν λυπρότητα τῆς γῆς τὰ πολλὰ θαλαττουργεῖν καὶ ταριχείας συνίστασθαι καὶ ἄλλας τοιαύτας ἐργασίας. φησὶ δ' Ἀντίοχος Φωκαίας ἁλούσης ὑφ' Ἁρπάγου τοῦ Κύρου στρατηγοῦ, τοὺς δυναμένους ἐμβάντας εἰς τὰ σκάφη πανοικίους πλεῦσαι πρῶτον εἰς Κύρνον καὶ Μασσαλίαν μετὰ Κρεοντιάδου, ἀποκρουσθέντας δὲ τὴν Ἐλέαν κτίσαι· διέχει δὲ τῆς Ποσειδωνίας ὅσον διακοσίους σταδίους ἡ πόλις. μετὰ δὲ ταύτην ἀκρωτήριον Παλίνουρος. πρὸ δὲ τῆς Ἐλεάτιδος αἱ Οἰνωτρίδες νῆσοι δύο ὑφόρμους ἔχουσαι. μετὰ δὲ Παλίνουρον Πυξοῦς ἄκρα καὶ λιμὴν καὶ ποταμός· ἓν γὰρ τῶν τριῶν ὄνομα· ᾤκισε δὲ Μίκυθος ὁ Μεσσήνης ἄρχων τῆς ἐν Σικελίᾳ, πάλιν δ' ἀπῆραν οἱ ἱδρυθέντες πλὴν ὀλίγων. μετὰ δὲ Πυξοῦντα Λᾶος κόλπος καὶ ποταμὸς καὶ πόλις, ἐσχάτη τῶν Λευκανίδων, μικρὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς θαλάττης, ἄποικος Συβαριτῶν, εἰς ἣν ἀπὸ Ἔλης στάδιοι τετρακόσιοι· ὁ δὲ πᾶς τῆς Λευκανίας παράπλους ἑξακοσίων πεντήκοντα. πλησίον δὲ τὸ τοῦ Δράκοντος ἡρῷον ἑνὸς τῶν Ὀδυσσέως ἑταίρων, ἐφ' οὗ ὁ χρησμὸς τοῖς Ἰταλιώταις ἐγένετο

Λάιον ἀμφὶ Δράκοντα πολύν ποτε λαὸν ὀλεῖσθαι.

ἐπὶ γὰρ ταύτην Λᾶον στρατεύσαντες οἱ κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν Ἕλληνες ὑπὸ Λευκανῶν ἠτύχησαν ἐξαπατηθέντες τῷ χρησμῷ.

After the mouth of the Silaris one comes to Leucania, and to the temple of the Argoan Hera, built by Jason, and near by, within fifty stadia, to Poseidonia. Thence, sailing out past the gulf, one comes to Leucosia,{1} an island, from which it is only a short voyage across to the continent. The island is named after one of the Sirens, who was cast ashore here after the Sirens had flung themselves, as the myth has it, into the depths of the sea. In front of the island lies that promontory {2} which is opposite the Sirenussae and with them forms the Poseidonian Gulf. On doubling this promontory one comes immediately to another gulf, in which there is a city which was called "Hyele" by the Phocaeans who founded it, and by others "Ele," after a certain spring, but is called by the men of today "Elea." This is the native city of Parmenides and Zeno, the Pythagorean philosophers. It is my opinion that not only through the influence of these men but also in still earlier times the city was well governed; and it was because of this good government that the people not only held their own against the Leucani and the Poseidoniatae, but even returned victorious, although they were inferior to them both in extent of territory and in population. At any rate, they are compelled, on account of the poverty of their soil, to busy themselves mostly with the sea and to establish factories for the salting of fish, and other such industries. According to Antiochus, {3} after the capture of Phocaea by Harpagus, the general of Cyrus, all the Phocaeans who could do so embarked with their entire families on their light boats and, under the leadership of Creontiades, sailed first to Cyrnus and Massalia, but when they were beaten off from those places founded Elea. Some, however, say that the city took its name from the River Elees. {4} It is about two hundred stadia distant from Poseidonia. After Elea comes the promontory of Palinurus. Off the territory of Elea are two islands, the Oenotrides, which have anchoring-places. After Palinurus comes Pyxus--a cape, harbor, and river, for all three have the same name. Pyxus was peopled with new settlers by Micythus, the ruler of the Messene in Sicily, but all the settlers except a few sailed away again. After Pyxus comes another gulf, and also Laüs--a river and city; it is the last of the Leucanian cities, lying only a short distance above the sea, is a colony of the Sybaritae, and the distance thither from Ele is four hundred stadia. The whole voyage along the coast of Leucania is six hundred and fifty stadia. Near Laüs is the hero-temple of Draco, one of the companions of Odysseus, in regard to which the following oracle was given out to the Italiotes: {5} Much people will one day perish about Laïan Draco. {6} And the oracle came true, for, deceived by it, the peoples {7} who made campaigns against Laüs, that is, the Greek inhabitants of Italy, met disaster at the hands of the Leucani.

1. Now Licosa.

2..Poseidium, now Punta Della Licosa.

3. Antiochus Syracusanus, the historian. Cp. Hdt. 1.167.

4. The Latin form is "Hales" (now the Alento).

5. The Greek inhabitants of Italy were called "Italiotes."

6. There is a word-play here which cannot be brought out in translation: the word for "people" in Greek is "laos."

7. Literally, "laoi."

 

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 κατὰ μὲν δὴ τὴν Τυρρηνικὴν παραλίαν ταῦτ' ἐστὶ τὰ τῶν Λευκανῶν χωρία, τῆς δ' ἑτέρας οὐχ ἥπτοντο θαλάττης πρότερον, ἀλλ' οἱ Ἕλληνες ἐπεκράτουν οἱ τὸν Ταραντῖνον ἔχοντες κόλπον. πρὶν δὲ τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐλθεῖν οὐδ' ἦσάν πω Λευκανοί, Χῶνες δὲ καὶ Οἰνωτροὶ τοὺς τόπους ἐνέμοντο. τῶν δὲ Σαυνιτῶν αὐξηθέντων ἐπὶ πολὺ καὶ τοὺς Χῶνας καὶ τοὺς Οἰνωτροὺς ἐκβαλόντων, Λευκανοὺς δ' εἰς τὴν μερίδα ταύτην ἀποικισάντων, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τῶν Ἑλλήνων τὴν ἑκατέρωθεν παραλίαν μέχρι πορθμοῦ κατεχόντων, πολὺν χρόνον ἐπολέμουν οἵ τε Ἕλληνες καὶ οἱ βάρβαροι πρὸς ἀλλήλους. οἱ δὲ τῆς Σικελίας τύραννοι καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα Καρχηδόνιοι, τοτὲ μὲν περὶ τῆς Σικελίας πολεμοῦντες πρὸς Ῥωμαίους τοτὲ δὲ περὶ αὐτῆς τῆς Ἰταλίας, ἅπαντας τοὺς ταύτῃ κακῶς διέθηκαν, μάλιστα δὲ τοὺς Ἕλληνας, ὁἶ πρότερον μέν γε καὶ τῆς μεσογαίας πολλὴν ἀφῄρηντο, ἀπὸ τῶν Τρωικῶν χρόνων ἀρξάμενοι, καὶ δὴ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ηὔξηντο ὥστε τὴν μεγάλην Ἑλλάδα ταύτην ἔλεγον καὶ τὴν Σικελίαν· νυνὶ δὲ πλὴν Τάραντος καὶ Ῥηγίου καὶ Νεαπόλεως ἐκβεβαρβαρῶσθαι συμβέβηκεν ἅπαντα καὶ τὰ μὲν Λευκανοὺς καὶ Βρεττίους κατέχειν τὰ δὲ Καμπανούς, καὶ τούτους λόγῳ, τὸ δ' ἀληθὲς Ῥωμαίους· καὶ γὰρ αὐτοὶ Ῥωμαῖοι γεγόνασιν. ὅμως δὲ τῷ πραγματευομένῳ τὴν τῆς γῆς περίοδον καὶ τὰ νῦν ὄντα λέγειν ἀνάγκη καὶ τῶν ὑπαρξάντων ἔνια, καὶ μάλιστα ὅταν ἔνδοξα ᾗ. Τῶν δὲ Λευκανῶν οἱ μὲν ἁπτόμενοι τῆς Τυρρηνικῆς θαλάττης εἴρηνται, οἱ δὲ τὴν μεσόγαιαν ἔχοντες εἰσὶν οἱ ὑπεροικοῦντες τοῦ Ταραντίνου κόλπου. οὕτω δ' εἰσὶ κεκακωμένοι τελέως οὗτοι καὶ Βρέττιοι καὶ αὐτοὶ Σαυνῖται οἱ τούτων ἀρχηγέται, ὥστε καὶ διορίσαι χαλεπὸν τὰς κατοικίας αὐτῶν· αἴτιον δ' ὅτι οὐδὲν ἔτι σύστημα κοινὸν τῶν ἐθνῶν ἑκάστου συμμένει, τά τε ἔθη διαλέκτων τε καὶ ὁπλισμοῦ καὶ ἐσθῆτος καὶ τῶν παραπλησίων ἐκλέλοιπεν, ἄλλως τε ἄδοξοι παντάπασίν εἰσιν αἱ καθ' ἕκαστα καὶ ἐν μέρει κατοικίαι.

These, then, are the places on the Tyrrhenian seaboard that belong to the Leucani. As for the other sea, {8} they could not reach it at first; in fact, the Greeks who held the Gulf of Tarentum were in control there. Before the Greeks came, however, the Leucani were as yet not even in existence, and the regions were occupied by the Chones and the Oenotri. But after the Samnitae had grown considerably in power, and had ejected the Chones and the Oenotri, and had settled a colony of Leucani in this portion of Italy, while at the same time the Greeks were holding possession of both seaboards as far as the Strait, the Greeks and the barbarians carried on war with one another for a long time. Then the tyrants of Sicily, and afterwards the Carthaginians, at one time at war with the Romans for the possession of Sicily and at another for the possession of Italy itself, maltreated all the peoples in this part of the world, but especially the Greeks. Later on, beginning from the time of the Trojan war, the Greeks had taken away from the earlier inhabitants much of the interior country also, and indeed had increased in power to such an extent that they called this part of Italy, together with Sicily, Magna Graecia. But today all parts of it, except Taras, {9} Rhegium, and Neapolis, have become completely barbarized, {10} and some parts have been taken and are held by the Leucani and the Brettii, and others by the Campani--that is, nominally by the Campani but in truth by the Romans, since the Campani themselves have become Romans. However, the man who busies himself with the description of the earth must needs speak, not only of the facts of the present, but also sometimes of the facts of the past, especially when they are notable. As for the Leucani, I have already spoken of those whose territory borders on the Tyrrhenian Sea, while those who hold the interior are the people who live above the Gulf of Tarentum. But the latter, and the Brettii, and the Samnitae themselves (the progenitors of these peoples) have so utterly deteriorated that it is difficult even to distinguish their several settlements; and the reason is that no common organization longer endures in any one of the separate tribes; and their characteristic differences in language, armor, dress, and the like, have completely disappeared; and, besides, their settlements, severally and in detail, are wholly without repute.

8. The Adriatic.

9. The old name of Tarentum.

10. "Barbarized," in the sense of "non-Greek" (cp. 5. 4. 4 and 5. 4. 7).

 

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 ἐροῦμεν δὲ κοινῶς ἃ παρειλήφαμεν, οὐδὲν παρὰ τοῦτο ποιούμενοι τοὺς τὴν μεσόγαιαν οἰκοῦντας, Λευκανούς τε καὶ τοὺς προσεχεῖς αὐτοῖς Σαυνίτας. Πετηλία μὲν οὖν μητρόπολις νομίζεται τῶν Λευκανῶν καὶ συνοικεῖται μέχρι νῦν ἱκανῶς. κτίσμα δ' ἐστὶ Φιλοκτήτου φυγόντος τὴν Μελίβοιαν κατὰ στάσιν. ἐρυμνὴ δ' ἐστίν, ὥστε καὶ Σαυνῖταί ποτε Θουρίοις ἐπετείχισαν αὐτήν. Φιλοκτήτου δ' ἐστὶ καὶ ἡ παλαιὰ Κρίμισσα περὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς τόπους. Ἀπολλόδωρος δ' ἐν τοῖς περὶ νεῶν τοῦ Φιλοκτήτου μνησθεὶς λέγειν τινάς φησιν, ὡς εἰς τὴν Κροτωνιᾶτιν ἀφικόμενος Κρίμισσαν ἄκραν οἰκίσαι καὶ Χώνην πόλιν ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς, ἀφ' ἧς οἱ ταύτῃ Χῶνες ἐκλήθησαν, παρ' αὐτοῦ δέ τινες σταλέντες εἰς Σικελίαν περὶ Ἔρυκα μετὰ Αἰγέστου τοῦ Τρωὸς Αἴγεσταν τειχίσαιεν. καὶ Γρουμεντὸν δὲ καὶ Ὀυερτῖναι τῆς μεσογαίας εἰσὶ καὶ Καλάσαρνα καὶ ἄλλαι μικραὶ κατοικίαι μέχρι Ὀυενουσίας πόλεως ἀξιολόγου· ταύτην δ' οἶμαι καὶ τὰς ἐφεξῆς ἐπὶ Καμπανίαν ἰόντι Σαυνίτιδας εἶναι. ὑπὲρ δὲ τῶν Θουρίων καὶ ἡ Ταυριανὴ χώρα λεγομένη ἵδρυται. οἱ δὲ Λευκανοὶ τὸ μὲν γένος εἰσὶ Σαυνῖται, Ποσειδωνιατῶν δὲ καὶ τῶν συμμάχων κρατήσαντες πολέμῳ κατέσχον τὰς πόλεις αὐτῶν. τὸν μὲν οὖν ἄλλον χρόνον ἐδημοκρατοῦντο, ἐν δὲ τοῖς πολέμοις ᾑρεῖτο βασιλεὺς ἀπὸ τῶν νεμομένων ἀρχάς· νῦν δ' εἰσὶ Ῥωμαῖοι.

Accordingly, without making distinctions between them, I shall only tell in a general way what I have learned about the peoples who live in the interior, I mean the Leucani and such of the Samnitae as are their next neighbors. Petelia, then, is regarded as the metropolis of the Chones, and has been rather populous down to the present day. It was founded by Philoctetes after he, as the result of a political quarrel, had fled from Meliboea. It has so strong a position by nature that the Samnitae once fortified it against the Thurii. And the old Crimissa, which is near the same regions, was also founded by Philoctetes. Apollodorus, in his work On Ships, {11} in mentioning Philoctetes, says that, according to some, when Philoctetes arrived at the territory of Croton, he colonized the promontory Crimissa, and, in the interior above it, the city Chone, from which the Chonians of that district took their name, and that some of his companions whom he had sent forth with Aegestes the Trojan to the region of Eryx in Sicily fortified Aegesta. {12} Moreover, Grumentum and Vertinae are in the interior, and so are Calasarna and some other small settlements, until we arrive at Venusia, a notable city; but I think that this city and those that follow in order after it as one goes towards Campania are Samnite cities. Beyond Thurii lies also the country that is called Tauriana. The Leucani are Samnite in race, but upon mastering the Poseidoniatae and their allies in war they took possession of their cities. At all other times, it is true, their government was democratic, but in times of war they were wont to choose a king from those who held magisterial offices. But now they are Romans.

11. That is, his work entitled "On the (Homeric) Catalogue of Ships" (cp. 1. 2. 24).

12. Also spelled Segesta and Egesta.

 

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 τὴν δ' ἑξῆς παραλίαν Βρέττιοι μέχρι τοῦ Σικελικοῦ κατέχουσι πορθμοῦ σταδίων πεντήκοντα καὶ τριακοσίων ἐπὶ τοῖς χιλίοις. φησὶ δ' Ἀντίοχος ἐν τῷ περὶ τῆς Ἰταλίας συγγράμματι ταύτην Ἰταλίαν κληθῆναι καὶ περὶ ταύτης συγγράφειν, πρότερον δ' Οἰνωτρίαν προσαγορεύεσθαι. ὅριον δ' αὐτῆς ἀποφαίνει πρὸς μὲν τῷ Τυρρηνικῷ πελάγει τὸ αὐτὸ ὅπερ καὶ τῆς Βρεττανῆς ἔφαμεν, τὸν Λᾶον ποταμόν, πρὸς δὲ τῷ Σικελικῷ τὸ Μεταπόντιον. τὴν δὲ Ταραντίνην, ἣ συνεχὴς τῷ Μεταποντίῳ ἐστίν, ἐκτὸς τῆς Ἰταλίας ὀνομάζει, Ἰάπυγας καλῶν. ἔτι δ' ἀνώτερον Οἰνωτρούς τε καὶ Ἰταλοὺς μόνους ἔφη καλεῖσθαι τοὺς ἐντὸς τοῦ ἰσθμοῦ πρὸς τὸν Σικελικὸν κεκλιμένους πορθμόν. ἔστι δ' αὐτὸς ὁ ἰσθμὸς ἑκατὸν καὶ ἑξήκοντα στάδιοι μεταξὺ δυεῖν κόλπων, τοῦ τε Ἱππωνιάτου, ὃν Ἀντίοχος Ναπητῖνον εἴρηκε, καὶ τοῦ Σκυλλητικοῦ. περίπλους δ' ἐστὶ τῆς ἀπολαμβανομένης χώρας πρὸς τὸν πορθμὸν ἐντὸς στάδιοι δισχίλιοι. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἐπεκτείνεσθαί φησι τοὔνομα καὶ τὸ τῆς Ἰταλίας καὶ τὸ τῶν Οἰνωτρῶν μέχρι τῆς Μεταποντίνης καὶ τῆς Σειρίτιδος· οἰκῆσαι γὰρ τοὺς τόπους τούτους Χῶνας, Οἰνωτρικὸν ἔθνος κατακοσμούμενον, καὶ τὴν γῆν ὀνομάσαι Χώνην. οὗτος μὲν οὖν ἁπλουστέρως εἴρηκε καὶ ἀρχαϊκῶς, οὐδὲν διορίσας περὶ τῶν Λευκανῶν καὶ τῶν Βρεττίων. ἔστι δ' ἡ μὲν Λευκανία μεταξὺ τῆς τε παραλίας τῆς Τυρρηνικῆς καὶ τῆς Σικελικῆς, τῆς μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ Σιλάριδος μέχρι Λάου, τῆς δ' ἀπὸ τοῦ Μεταποντίου μέχρι Θουρίων· κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἤπειρον ἀπὸ Σαυνιτῶν μέχρι τοῦ ἰσθμοῦ τοῦ ἀπὸ Θουρίων εἰς Κηρίλλους πλησίον Λάου· στάδιοι δ' εἰσὶ τοῦ ἰσθμοῦ τριακόσιοι. ὑπὲρ δὲ τούτων Βρέττιοι χερρόνησον οἰκοῦντες· ἐν ταύτῃ δ' ἄλλη περιείληπται χερρόνησος ἡ τὸν ἰσθμὸν ἔχουσα τὸν ἀπὸ Σκυλλητίου ἐπὶ τὸν Ἱππωνιάτην κόλπον. ὠνόμασται δὲ τὸ ἔθνος ὑπὸ Λευκανῶν· βρεττίους γὰρ καλοῦσι τοὺς ἀποστάτας· ἀπέστησαν δ', ὥς φασι, ποιμαίνοντες αὐτοῖς πρότερον, εἶθ' ὑπὸ ἀνέσεως ἐλευθεριάσαντες, ἡνίκα ἐπεστράτευσε Δίων Διονυσίῳ καὶ ἐξετάραξεν ἅπαντας πρὸς ἅπαντας. τὰ καθόλου μὲν δὴ ταῦτα περὶ Λευκανῶν καὶ Βρεττίων λέγομεν.

The seaboard that comes next after Leucania, as far as the Sicilian Strait and for a distance of thirteen hundred and fifty stadia, is occupied by the Brettii. According to Antiochus, in his treatise On Italy, this territory (and this is the territory which he says he is describing) was once called Italy, although in earlier times it was called Oenotria. And he designates as its boundaries, first, on the Tyrrhenian Sea, the same boundary that I have assigned to the country of the Brettii--the River Laüs; and secondly, on the Sicilian Sea, Metapontium. But as for the country of the Tarantini, which borders on Metapontium, he names it as outside of Italy, and calls its inhabitants Iapyges. And at a time more remote, according to him, the names "Italians" and "Oenotrians" were applied only to the people who lived this side the isthmus in the country that slopes toward the Sicilian Strait. The isthmus itself, one hundred and sixty stadia in width, lies between two gulfs--the Hipponiate (which Antiochus has called Napetine) and the Scylletic. The coasting-voyage round the country comprised between the isthmus and the Strait is two thousand stadia. But after that, he says, the name of "Italy" and that of the "Oenotrians" was further extended as far as the territory of Metapontium and that of Seiris, for, he adds, the Chones, a well-regulated Oenotrian tribe, had taken up their abode in these regions and had called the land Chone. Now Antiochus had spoken only in a rather simple and antiquated way, without making any distinctions between the Leucani and the Brettii. In the first place, Leucania lies between the Tyrrhenian and Sicilian coastlines, {13} the former coastline from the River Silaris as far as Laüs, and the latter, from Metapontium as far as Thurii; in the second place, on the mainland, from the country of the Samnitae as far as the isthmus which extends from Thurii to Cerilli (a city near Laüs), the isthmus is three hundred stadia in width. But the Brettii are situated beyond the Leucani; they live on a peninsula, but this peninsula includes another peninsula which has the isthmus that extends from Scylletium to the Hipponiate Gulf. The name of the tribe was given to it by the Leucani, for the Leucani call all revolters "brettii." The Brettii revolted, so it is said (at first they merely tended flocks for the Leucani, and then, by reason of the indulgence of their masters, began to act as free men), at the time when Rio made his expedition against Dionysius and aroused all peoples against all others. So much, then, for my general description of the Leucani and the Brettii.

13. Between the coastlines on the Tyrrhenian and Sicilian Seas.

 

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 ἀπὸ δὲ Λάου πρώτη πόλις ἐστὶ τῆς Βρεττίας Τεμέση Τέμψαν δ' οἱ νῦν καλοῦσιν Αὐσόνων κτίσμα, ὕστερον δὲ καὶ Αἰτωλῶν τῶν μετὰ Θόαντος, οὓς ἐξέβαλον Βρέττιοι, Βρεττίους δὲ ἐπέτριψαν Ἀννίβας τε καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι. ἔστι δὲ πλησίον τῆς Τεμέσης ἡρῷον ἀγριελαίοις συνηρεφὲς Πολίτου τῶν Ὀδυσσέως ἑταίρων, ὃν δολοφονηθέντα ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων γενέσθαι βαρύμηνιν, ὥστε τοὺς περιοίκους δασμολογεῖν αὐτῷ κατά τι λόγιον καὶ παροιμίαν εἶναι πρὸς τοὺς ἀηδεῖς, τὸν ἥρωα τὸν ἐν Τεμέσῃ λεγόντων ἐπικεῖσθαι αὐτοῖς. Λοκρῶν δὲ τῶν Ἐπιζεφυρίων ἑλόντων τὴν πόλιν, Εὔθυμον μυθεύουσι τὸν πύκτην καταβάντα ἐπ' αὐτὸν κρατῆσαι τῇ μάχῃ, καὶ βιάσασθαι παραλῦσαι τοῦ δασμοῦ τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους. ταύτης δὲ τῆς Τεμέσης φασὶ μεμνῆσθαι τὸν ποιητήν, οὐ τῆς ἐν Κύπρῳ Ταμασσοῦ· λέγεται γὰρ ἀμφοτέρως τῷ ἐς Τεμέσην μετὰ χαλκόν,  καὶ δείκνυται χαλκουργεῖα πλησίον, ἃ νῦν ἐκλέλειπται. ταύτης δὲ συνεχὴς Τερῖνα, ἣν Ἀννίβας καθεῖλεν οὐ δυνάμενος φυλάττειν, ὅτε δὴ εἰς αὐτὴν καταπεφεύγει τὴν Βρεττίαν. εἶτα Κωσεντία μητρόπολις Βρεττίων· μικρὸν δ' ὑπὲρ ταύτης Πανδοσία φρούριον ἐρυμνόν, περὶ ἣν Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ Μολοττὸς διεφθάρη. ἐξηπάτησε δὲ καὶ τοῦτον ὁ ἐκ Δωδώνης χρησμὸς φυλάττεσθαι κελεύων τὸν Ἀχέροντα καὶ τὴν Πανδοσίαν . . . δεικνυμένων γὰρ ἐν τῇ Θεσπρωτίᾳ ὁμωνύμων τούτοις, ἐνταῦθα κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον. τρικόρυφον δ' ἐστὶ τὸ φρούριον, καὶ παραρρεῖ ποταμὸς Ἀχέρων. προσηπάτησε δὲ καὶ ἄλλο λόγιον

Πανδοσία τρικόλωνε, πολύν ποτε λαὸν ὀλέσσεις.

ἔδοξε γὰρ πολεμίων φθοράν, οὐκ οἰκείων δηλοῦσθαι. φασὶ δὲ καὶ βασίλειόν ποτε γενέσθαι τῶν Οἰνωτρικῶν βασιλέων τὴν Πανδοσίαν. μετὰ δὲ τὴν Κωσεντίαν Ἱππώνιον Λοκρῶν κτίσμα· Βρεττίους δὲ κατέχοντας ἀφείλοντο Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ μετωνόμασαν Ὀυιβῶνα Ὀυαλεντίαν. διὰ δὲ τὸ εὐλείμονα εἶναι τὰ περικείμενα χωρία καὶ ἀνθηρὰ τὴν Κόρην ἐκ Σικελίας πεπιστεύκασιν ἀφικνεῖσθαι δεῦρο ἀνθολογήσουσαν· ἐκ δὲ τούτου ταῖς γυναιξὶν ἐν ἔθει γέγονεν ἀνθολογεῖν τε καὶ στεφανηπλοκεῖν, ὥστε ταῖς ἑορταῖς αἰσχρὸν εἶναι στεφάνους ὠνητοὺς φορεῖν. ἔχει δ' ἐπίνειον, ὃ κατεσκεύασέ ποτε Ἀγαθοκλῆς ὁ τύραννος τῶν Σικελιωτῶν κρατήσας τῆς πόλεως. ἐντεῦθεν δ' ἐπὶ τὸν Ἡρακλέους λιμένα πλεύσασιν ἄρχεται ἐπιστρέφειν τὰ ἄκρα τῆς Ἰταλίας τὰ πρὸς τῷ πορθμῷ πρὸς τὴν ἑσπέραν. ἐν δὲ τῷ παράπλῳ τούτῳ Μέδμα πόλις Λοκρῶν τῶν αὐτῶν, ὁμώνυμος κρήνῃ μεγάλῃ, πλησίον ἔχουσα ἐπίνειον καλούμενον Ἐμπόριον· ἐγγὺς δὲ καὶ Μέταυρος ποταμὸς καὶ ὕφορμος ὁμώνυμος. πρόκεινται δὲ τῆς ᾐόνος ταύτης αἱ τῶν Λιπαραίων νῆσοι διέχουσαι τοῦ πορθμοῦ σταδίους διακοσίους. οἱ δ' Αἰόλου φασίν, οὗ καὶ τὸν ποιητὴν μεμνῆσθαι κατὰ τὴν Ὀδύσσειαν· εἰσὶ δ' ἑπτὰ τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἐν ἀπόψει πᾶσαι καὶ τοῖς ἐκ τῆς Σικελίας καὶ τοῖς ἐκ τῆς ἠπείρου τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Μέδμαν ἀφορῶσι· περὶ ὧν ἐροῦμεν, ὅταν περὶ τῆς Σικελίας λέγωμεν. ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Μεταύρου ποταμοῦ ἕτερος· ἐκδέχεται δ' ἐντεῦθεν τὸ Σκύλλαιον, πέτρα χερρονησίζουσα ὑψηλή, τὸν ἰσθμὸν ἀμφίδυμον καὶ ταπεινὸν ἔχουσα, ὃν Ἀναξίλαος ὁ τύραννος τῶν Ῥηγίνων ἐπετείχισε τοῖς Τυρρηνοῖς κατασκευάσας ναύσταθμον, καὶ ἀφείλετο τοὺς λῃστὰς τὸν διὰ τοῦ πορθμοῦ διάπλουν. πλησίον γάρ ἐστι καὶ ἡ Καῖνυς διέχουσα τῆς Μέδμης σταδίους πεντήκοντα καὶ διακοσίους, ἡ τελευταία ποιοῦσα ἄκρα τὰ στενὰ τοῦ πορθμοῦ πρὸς τὴν ἐκ τῆς Σικελίας ἄκραν τὴν Πελωριάδα· ἔστι δ' αὕτη μία τῶν τριῶν τῶν ποιουσῶν τρίγωνον τὴν νῆσον, νεύει δὲ ἐπὶ θερινὰς ἀνατολάς, καθάπερ ἡ Καῖνυς πρὸς τὴν ἑσπέραν, ἀνταποστροφήν τινα ἀπ' ἀλλήλων ποιουμένων αὐτῶν. ἀπὸ δὲ Καίνυος μέχρι τοῦ Ποσειδωνίου, τῆς Ῥηγίνων στυλίδος, τοῦ πορθμοῦ διήκει στενωπὸς ὅσον ἑξαστάδιος, μικρῷ δὲ πλέον τὸ ἐλάχιστον διαπέραμα· ἀπὸ δὲ στυλίδος ἑκατὸν εἰς Ῥήγιον, ἤδη τοῦ πορθμοῦ πλατυνομένου, προϊοῦσι πρὸς τὴν ἔξω καὶ πρὸς ἕω θάλατταν τὴν τοῦ Σικελικοῦ καλουμένου πελάγους.

The next city after Laüs belongs to Brettium, and is named Temesa, though the men of today call it Tempsa; it was founded by the Ausones, but later on was settled also by the Aetolians under the leadership of Thoas; but the Aetolians were ejected by the Brettii, and then the Brettii were crushed by Hannibal and by the Romans. Near Temesa, and thickly shaded with wild olive trees, is the hero-temple of Polites, one of the companions of Odysseus, who was treacherously slain by the barbarians, and for that reason became so exceedingly wroth against the country that, in accordance with an oracle, the people of the neighborhood collected tribute {14} for him; and hence, also, the popular saying applied to those who are merciless, {15} that they are "beset by the hero of Temesa." But when the Epizephyrian Locrians captured the city, Euthymus, the pugilist, so the story goes, entered the lists against Polites, defeated him in the fight and forced him to release the natives from the tribute. People say that Homer has in mind this Temesa, not the Tamassus in Cyprus (the name is spelled both ways), when he says "to Temesa, in quest of copper." {16} And in fact copper mines are to be seen in the neighborhood, although now they have been abandoned. Near Temesa is Terina, which Hannibal destroyed, because he was unable to guard it, at the time when he had taken refuge in Brettium itself. Then comes Consentia, the metropolis of the Brettii; and a little above this city is Pandosia, a strong fortress, near which Alexander the Molossian {17} was killed. He, too, was deceived by the oracle {18} at Dodona, which bade him be on his guard against Acheron and Pandosia; for places which bore these names were pointed out to him in Thesprotia, but he came to his end here in Brettium. Now the fortress has three summits, and the River Acheron flows past it. And there was another oracle that helped to deceive him: Three-hilled Pandosia, much people shalt thou kill one day;for he thought that the oracle clearly meant the destruction of the enemy, not of his own people. It is said that Pandosia was once the capital of the Oenotrian Kings. After Consentia comes Hipponium, which was founded by the Locrians. Later on, the Brettii were in possession of Hipponium, but the Romans took it away from them and changed its name to Vibo Valentia. And because the country round about Hipponium has luxuriant meadows abounding in flowers, people have believed that Core {19} used to come hither from Sicily to gather flowers; and consequently it has become the custom among the women of Hipponium to gather flowers and to weave them into garlands, so that on festival days it is disgraceful to wear bought garlands. Hipponium has also a naval station, which was built long ago by Agathocles, the tyrant of the Siciliotes, {20} when he made himself master of the city. Thence one sails to the Harbor of Heracles, {21} which is the point where the headlands of Italy near the Strait begin to turn towards the west. And on this voyage one passes Medma, a city of the same Locrians aforementioned, which has the same name as a great fountain there, and possesses a naval station near by, called Emporium. Near it is also the Metaurus River, and a mooring-place bearing the same name. Off this coast lie the islands of the Liparaei, at a distance of two hundred stadia from the Strait. According to some, they are the islands of Aeolus, of whom the Poet makes mention in the Odyssey. {22} They are seven in number and are all within view both from Sicily and from the continent near Medma. But I shall tell about them when I discuss Sicily. After the Metaurus River comes a second Metaurus. {23} Next after this river comes Scyllaeum, a lofty rock which forms a peninsula, its isthmus being low and affording access to ships on both sides. This isthmus Anaxilaüs, the tyrant of the Rhegini, fortified against the Tyrrheni, building a naval station there, and thus deprived the pirates of their passage through the strait. For Caenys, {24} too, is near by, being two hundred and fifty stadia distant from Medma; it is the last cape, and with the cape on the Sicilian side, Pelorias, forms the narrows of the Strait. Cape Pelorias is one of the three capes that make the island triangular, and it bends towards the summer sunrise, {25} just as Caenys bends towards the west, each one thus turning away from the other in the opposite direction. Now the length of the narrow passage of the Strait from Caenys as far as the Poseidonium, {26} or the Columna Rheginorum, is about six stadia, while the shortest passage across is slightly more; and the distance is one hundred stadia from the Columna to Rhegium, where the Strait begins to widen out, as one proceeds towards the east, towards the outer sea, the sea which is called the Sicilian Sea.

14. According to Paus. 6.6.2 the oracle bade the people annually to give the hero to wife the fairest maiden in Temesa.

15. "Merciless" is an emendation. Some read "disagreeable." According to Aelian Var. Hist. 8.18, the popular saying was applied to those who in pursuit of profit overreached themselves (so Plutarch Prov. 31). But Eustathius (note on Iliad 1.185) quotes "the geographer" (i.e., Strabo; see note 1, p. 320) as making the saying apply to "those who are unduly wroth, or very severe when they should not be."

16. Hom. Od. 1.184

17. Cp. 6. 3. 4 and footnote.

18. The oracle, quoted by Casaubon from some source unknown to subsequent editors was: Αἰακίδη, προφύλαξο μολεῖν ἀΧερούσιον ὕδωρ

19. i.e., Persephone.

20. The "Siciliotes" were Sicilian Greeks, as distinguished from native Sicilians.

21. Now Tropea. But in fact the turn towards the west begins immediately after Hipponium.

22. Hom. Od. 10.2ff.

23. Strabo's "Metaurus" and "second Metaurus" are confusing. Kramer, Meineke, and others wish to emend the text so as to make the "second" river refer to Crataeis or some other river. But we should have expected Strabo to mention first the Medma (now the Mesima), which was much closer to Medma than the Metaurus (now the Marro), and to which he does not refer at all. Possibly he thought both rivers were called Metaurus (cp. Müller, Ind. Var. Lectionis, p. 975), in which case "the second Metaurus" is the Metaurus proper. The present translator, however, believes that Strabo, when he says "second Metaurus," alludes to the Umbrian Metaurus (5. 2. 10) as the first, and that the copyist, unaware of this fact, deliberately changed "Medma" to Metaurus" in the two previous instances.

24. Now Cape Cavallo.

25. North-east (cp. 1. 2. 21).

26. Altar or temple of Poseidon.

 

006.001.006

 κτίσμα δ' ἐστὶ τὸ Ῥήγιον Χαλκιδέων, οὓς κατὰ χρησμὸν δεκατευθέντας τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι δι' ἀφορίαν ὕστερον ἐκ Δελφῶν ἀποικῆσαι δεῦρό φασι παραλαβόντας καὶ ἄλλους τῶν οἴκοθεν· ὡς δ' Ἀντίοχός φησι, Ζαγκλαῖοι μετεπέμψαντο τοὺς Χαλκιδέας καὶ οἰκιστὴν Ἀντίμνηστον συνέστησαν ἐκείνων. ἦσαν δὲ τῆς ἀποικίας καὶ οἱ Μεσσηνίων φυγάδες τῶν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ καταστασιασθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν μὴ βουλομένων δοῦναι δίκας ὑπὲρ τῆς φθορᾶς τῶν παρθένων τῆς ἐν Λίμναις γενομένης τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις, ἃς καὶ αὐτὰς ἐβιάσαντο πεμφθείσας ἐπὶ τὴν ἱερουργίαν, καὶ τοὺς ἐπιβοηθοῦντας ἀπέκτειναν. παραχωρήσαντες οὖν εἰς Μάκιστον οἱ φυγάδες πέμπουσιν εἰς θεοῦ, μεμφόμενοι τὸν Ἀπόλλω καὶ τὴν Ἄρτεμιν εἰ τοιούτων τυγχάνοιεν ἀνθ' ὧν ἐτιμώρουν αὐτοῖς, καὶ πυνθανόμενοι πῶς ἂν σωθεῖεν ἀπολωλότες. ὁ δ' Ἀπόλλων ἐκέλευσε στέλλεσθαι μετὰ Χαλκιδέων εἰς τὸ Ῥήγιον καὶ τῇ ἀδελφῇ αὐτοῦ χάριν ἔχειν· οὐ γὰρ ἀπολωλέναι αὐτοὺς ἀλλὰ σεσῶσθαι μέλλοντάς γε δὴ μὴ συναφανισθήσεσθαι τῇ πατρίδι ἁλωσομένῃ μικρὸν ὕστερον ὑπὸ Σπαρτιατῶν· οἱ δ' ὑπήκουσαν. διόπερ οἱ τῶν Ῥηγίνων ἡγεμόνες μέχρι Ἀναξίλα τοῦ Μεσσηνίων γένους ἀεὶ καθίσταντο. Ἀντίοχος δὲ τὸ παλαιὸν ἅπαντα τὸν τόπον τοῦτον οἰκῆσαί φησι Σικελοὺς καὶ Μόργητας, διᾶραι δ' εἰς τὴν Σικελίαν ὕστερον ἐκβληθέντας ὑπὸ τῶν Οἰνωτρῶν. φασὶ δέ τινες καὶ τὸ Μοργάντιον ἐντεῦθεν τὴν προσηγορίαν ἀπὸ τῶν Μοργήτων ἔχειν. ἴσχυσε δὲ μέγιστον ἡ τῶν Ῥηγίνων πόλις καὶ περιοικίδας ἔσχε συχνάς, ἐπιτείχισμά τε ὑπῆρξεν ἀεὶ τῇ νήσῳ καὶ πάλαι καὶ νεωστὶ ἐφ' ἡμῶν, ἡνίκα Σέξτος Πομπήιος ἀπέστησε τὴν Σικελίαν. ὠνομάσθη δὲ Ῥήγιον εἴθ', ὥς φησιν Αἰσχύλος, διὰ τὸ συμβὰν πάθος τῇ χώρᾳ ταύτῃ· ἀπορραγῆναι γὰρ ἀπὸ τῆς ἠπείρου τὴν Σικελίαν ὑπὸ σεισμῶν ἄλλοι τε κἀκεῖνος εἴρηκεν

ἀφ' οὗ δὴ Ῥήγιον κικλήσκεται. 

τεκμαίρονται δ' ἀπὸ τῶν περὶ τὴν Αἴτνην συμπτωμάτων καὶ τῶν κατ' ἄλλα μέρη τῆς Σικελίας καὶ τῶν κατὰ Λιπάραν καὶ τὰς περὶ αὐτὴν νήσους, ἔτι δὲ τῶν κατὰ τὰς Πιθηκούσσας καὶ τὴν προσεχῆ περαίαν ἅπασαν οὐκ ἀπεικὸς ὑπάρχειν καὶ τοῦτο συμβῆναι. νυνὶ μὲν οὖν ἀνεῳγμένων τῶν στομάτων, δι' ὧν τὸ πῦρ ἀναφυσᾶται καὶ μύδροι καὶ ὕδατα ἐκπίπτει, σπάνιόν τι σείεσθαί φασι τὴν περὶ τὸν πορθμὸν γῆν, τότε δὲ πάντων ἐμπεφραγμένων τῶν εἰς τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν πόρων, ὑπὸ γῆς σμυχόμενον τὸ πῦρ καὶ τὸ πνεῦμα σεισμοὺς ἀπειργάζετο σφοδρούς, μοχλευόμενοι δ' οἱ τόποι πρὸς τὴν βίαν τῶν ἀνέμων ὑπεῖξάν ποτε καὶ ἀναρραγέντες ἐδέξαντο τὴν ἑκατέρωθεν θάλατταν καὶ ταύτην καὶ τὴν μεταξὺ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν ταύτῃ νήσων. καὶ γὰρ ἡ Προχύτη καὶ Πιθηκοῦσσαι ἀποσπάσματα τῆς ἠπείρου καὶ αἱ Καπρίαι καὶ ἡ Λευκωσία καὶ Σειρῆνες καὶ αἱ Οἰνωτρίδες. αἱ δὲ καὶ ἐκ τοῦ πελάγους ἀνέδυσαν, καθάπερ καὶ νῦν πολλαχοῦ συμβαίνει· τὰς μὲν γὰρ πελαγίας ἐκ βυθοῦ μᾶλλον ἀνενεχθῆναι πιθανόν, τὰς δὲ προκειμένας τῶν ἀκρωτηρίων καὶ πορθμῷ διῃρημένας ἐντεῦθεν ἀπερρωγέναι δοκεῖν εὐλογώτερον. πλὴν εἴτε διὰ ταῦτα τοὔνομα τῇ πόλει γέγονεν, εἴτε διὰ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν τῆς πόλεως ὡς ἂν βασίλειον τῇ Λατίνῃ φωνῇ προσαγορευσάντων Σαυνιτῶν διὰ τὸ τοὺς ἀρχηγέτας αὐτῶν κοινωνῆσαι Ῥωμαίοις τῆς πολιτείας καὶ ἐπὶ πολὺ χρήσασθαι τῇ Λατίνῃ διαλέκτῳ, πάρεστι σκοπεῖν, ὁποτέρως ἔχει τἀληθές. ἐπιφανῆ δ' οὖν πόλιν οὖσαν καὶ πολλὰς μὲν πόλεις οἰκίσασαν πολλοὺς δ' ἄνδρας παρασχομένην ἀξίους λόγου, τοὺς μὲν κατὰ πολιτικὴν ἀρετὴν τοὺς δὲ κατὰ παιδείαν, κατασκάψαι Διονύσιον αἰτιασάμενον, ὅτι αἰτησαμένῳ κόρην πρὸς γάμον τὴν τοῦ δημίου θυγατέρα προὔτειναν· ὁ δ' υἱὸς αὐτοῦ μέρος τι τοῦ κτίσματος ἀναλαβὼν Φοιβίαν ἐκάλεσεν. ἐπὶ Πύρρου δ' ἡ τῶν Καμπανῶν φρουρὰ παρασπονδηθέντας διέφθειρε τοὺς πλείστους· μικρὸν δὲ πρὸ τῶν Μαρσικῶν καὶ σεισμοὶ κατήρειψαν πολὺ τῆς κατοικίας. Πομπήιον δ' ἐκβαλὼν τῆς Σικελίας ὁ Σεβαστὸς Καῖσαρ ὁρῶν λιπανδροῦσαν τὴν πόλιν συνοίκους ἔδωκεν αὐτῇ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ στόλου τινάς, καὶ νῦν ἱκανῶς εὐανδρεῖ.

Rhegium was founded by the Chalcidians who, it is said, in accordance with an oracle, were dedicated, one man out of every ten Chalcidians, to Apollo, {27} because of a dearth of crops, but later on emigrated hither from Delphi, taking with them still others from their home. But according to Antiochus, the Zanclaeans sent for the Chalcidians and appointed Antimnestus their founder-in-chief. {28} To this colony also belonged the refugees of the Peloponnesian Messenians who had been defeated by the men of the opposing faction. These men were unwilling to be punished by the Lacedaemonians for the violation of the maidens {29} which took place at Limnae, though they were themselves guilty of the outrage done to the maidens, who had been sent there for a religious rite and had also killed those who came to their aid. {30} So the refugees, after withdrawing to Macistus, sent a deputation to the oracle of the god to find fault with Apollo and Artemis if such was to be their fate in return for their trying to avenge those gods, and also to enquire how they, now utterly ruined, might be saved. Apollo bade them go forth with the Chalcidians to Rhegium, and to be grateful to his sister; for, he added, they were not ruined, but saved, inasmuch as they were surely not to perish along with their native land, which would be captured a little later by the Spartans. They obeyed; and therefore the rulers of the Rhegini down to Anaxilas {31} were always appointed from the stock of the Messenians. According to Antiochus, the Siceli and Morgetes had in early times inhabited the whole of this region, but later on, being ejected by the Oenotrians, had crossed over into Sicily. According to some, Morgantium also took its name from the Morgetes of Rhegium. {32} The city of Rhegium was once very powerful and had many dependencies in the neighborhood; and it was always a fortified outpost threatening the island, not only in earlier times but also recently, in our own times, when Sextus Pompeius caused Sicily to revolt. It was named Rhegium, either, as Aeschylus says, because of the calamity that had befallen this region, for, as both he and others state, Sicily was once "rent" {33} from the continent by earthquakes, "and so from this fact," he adds, "it is called Rhegium." They infer from the occurrences about Aetna and in other parts of Sicily, and in Lipara and in the islands about it, and also in the Pithecussae and the whole of the coast of the adjacent continent, that it is not unreasonable to suppose that the rending actually took place. Now at the present time the earth about the Strait, they say, is but seldom shaken by earthquakes, because the orifices there, through which the fire is blown up and the red-hot masses and the waters are ejected, are open. At that time, however, the fire that was smouldering beneath the earth, together with the wind, produced violent earthquakes, because the passages to the surface were all blocked up, and the regions thus heaved up yielded at last to the force of the blasts of wind, were rent asunder, and then received the sea that was on either side, both here {34} and between the other islands in that region. {35} And, in fact, Prochyte and the Pithecussae are fragments broken off from the continent, as also Capreae, Leucosia, the Sirenes, and the Oenotrides. Again, there are islands which have arisen from the high seas, a thing that even now happens in many places; for it is more plausible that the islands in the high seas were heaved up from the deeps, whereas it is more reasonable to think that those lying off the promontories and separated merely by a strait from the mainland have been rent therefrom. However, the question which of the two explanations is true, whether Rhegium got its name on account of this or on account of its fame (for the Samnitae might have called it by the Latin word for "royal," {36} because their progenitors had shared in the government with the Romans and used the Latin language to a considerable extent), is open to investigation. Be this as it may, it was a famous city, and not only founded many cities but also produced many notable men, some notable for their excellence as statesmen and others for their learning; nevertheless, Dionysius {37} demolished it, they say, on the charge that when he asked for a girl in marriage they proffered the daughter of the public executioner; {38} but his son restored a part of the old city and called it Phoebia. {39} Now in the time of Pyrrhus the garrison of the Campani broke the treaty and destroyed most of the inhabitants, and shortly before the Marsic war much of the settlement was laid in ruins by earthquakes; but Augustus Caesar, after ejecting Pompeius from Sicily, seeing that the city was in want of population, gave it some men from his expeditionary forces as new settlers, and it is now fairly populous.

27. Cp. 6. 1. 9.

28. Zancle was the original name of Messana (now Messina) in Sicily. It was colonized and named Messana by the Peloponnesian Messenians (6. 2. 3).

29. Cp. 6. 3. 3. and 8. 4. 9.

30. Cp. Paus. 4.4.1.

31. Anaxilas (also spelled Anaxilaüs) was ruler of Rhegium from 494 to 476 B.C. (Diod. Sic. 11.48).

32. Cp. 6. 2. 4. The Latin name of this Sicilian city was "Murgantia." Livy 10.17 refers to another Murgantia in Samnium.

33. Cp. 1. 3. 19 and the footnote on "rent."

34. At the Strait.

35. Cp. 1. 3. 10 and the footnote.

36. Regium.

37. Dionysius the Elder (b. about 432 B.C., d. 367 B.C.)

38. Diod. Sic. 14.44 merely says that the Assembly of the Rhegini refused him a wife.

39. Apparently in honor of Phoebus (Apollo); for, according to Plut. De Alexandri Virtute, (338 B.C.) Dionysius the Younger called himself the son of Apollo, "offspring of his mother Doris by Phoebus."

 

006.001.007

 ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Ῥηγίου πλέοντι πρὸς ἕω Λευκοπέτραν καλοῦσιν ἄκραν ἀπὸ τῆς χρόας ἐν πεντήκοντα σταδίοις, εἰς ἣν τελευτᾶν φασι τὸ Ἀπέννινον ὄρος. ἐντεῦθεν δὲ Ἡράκλειον, ὃ δὴ τελευταῖον ἀκρωτήριον ὂν νεύει πρὸς μεσημβρίαν· κάμψαντι γὰρ εὐθὺς ὁ πλοῦς λιβὶ μέχρι πρὸς ἄκραν Ἰαπυγίαν· εἶτ' ἐκκλίνει πρὸς ἄρκτον ἀεὶ καὶ μᾶλλον καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἑσπέραν ἐπὶ τὸν κόλπον τὸν Ἰόνιον. μετὰ δὲ τὸ Ἡράκλειον ἄκρα τῆς Λοκρίδος ἣ καλεῖται Ζεφύριον, ἔχουσα τοῖς ἑσπερίοις ἀνέμοις λιμένα, ἐξ οὗ καὶ τοὔνομα. εἶθ' ἡ πόλις οἱ Λοκροὶ οἱ Ἐπιζεφύριοι, Λοκρῶν ἄποικοι τῶν ἐν τῷ Κρισαίῳ κόλπῳ, μικρὸν ὕστερον τῆς Κρότωνος καὶ Συρακουσσῶν κτίσεως ἀποικισθέντες ὑπὸ Εὐάνθους· Ἔφορος δ' οὐκ εὖ τῶν Ὀπουντίων Λοκρῶν ἀποίκους φήσας. ἔτη μὲν οὖν τρία ἢ τέτταρα ᾤκουν ἐπὶ τῷ Ζεφυρίῳ· καὶ ἔστιν ἐκεῖ κρήνη Λοκρία, ὅπου οἱ Λοκροὶ ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο. εἶτα μετήνεγκαν τὴν πόλιν συμπραξάντων καὶ Συρακουσσίων. ἅμα γὰρ οὗτοι ἐν οἷς . . . εἰσὶ δ' ἀπὸ Ῥηγίου μέχρι Λοκρῶν ἑξακόσιοι στάδιοι. ἵδρυται δ' ἡ πόλις ἐπ' ὀφρύος ἣν Ἐπῶπιν καλοῦσι.

As one sails from Rhegium towards the east, and at a distance of fifty stadia, one comes to Cape Leucopetra {40} (so called from its color), in which, it is said, the Apennine Mountain terminates. Then comes Heracleium, which is the last cape of Italy and inclines towards the south; for on doubling it one immediately sails with the southwest wind as far as Cape Iapygia, and then veers off, always more and more, towards the northwest in the direction of the Ionian Gulf. {41} After Heracleium comes a cape belonging to Locris, which is called Zephyrium; its harbor is exposed to the winds that blow from the west, and hence the name. Then comes the city Locri Epizephyrii, {42} a colony of the Locri who live on the Crisaean Gulf, {43} which was led out by Evanthes only a little while after the founding of Croton and Syracuse. {44} Ephorus is wrong in calling it a colony of the Locri Opuntii. However, they lived only three or four years at Zephyrium, and then moved the city to its present site, with the cooperation of Syracusans [for at the same time the latter, among whom . . .] {45} And at Zephyrium there is a spring, called Locria, where the Locri first pitched camp. The distance from Rhegium to Locri is six hundred stadia. The city is situated on the brow of a hill called Epopis.

40. Literally, "White Rock."

41. The "Ionian Gulf" was the southern "part of what is now called the Adriatic Sea" (2. 5. 20); see 7. 5. 8-9.

42. Literally, the "western Locrians," both city and inhabitants having the same name.

43. Now the Gulf of Salona in the Gulf of Corinth.

44. Croton and Syracuse were founded, respectively, in 710 and 734 B.C. According to Diod. Sic. 4.24, Heracles had unintentionally killed Croton and had foretold the founding of a famous city on the site, the same to be named after Croton.

45. The Greek text, here translated as it stands, is corrupt. The emendations thus far offered yield (instead of the nine English words of the above rendering) either (1) "for the latter were living" (or "had taken up their abode") "there at the same time" or (2) "together with the Tarantini." There seems to be no definite corroborative evidence for either interpretation; but according to Pausanias, "colonies were sent to Croton, and to Locri at Cape Zephyrium, by the Lacedaemonians" (3.3); and "Tarentum is a Lacedaemonian colony" (10. 10). Cp. the reference to the Tarantini in Strabo's next paragraph.

006.001.008

 πρῶτοι δὲ νόμοις ἐγγράπτοις χρήσασθαι πεπιστευμένοι εἰσί· καὶ πλεῖστον χρόνον εὐνομηθέντας Διονύσιος ἐκπεσὼν ἐκ τῆς Συρακουσσίων ἀνομώτατα πάντων διεχρήσατο, ὅς γε προεγάμει μὲν παρεισιὼν εἰς τὸ δωμάτιον τὰς νυμφοστοληθείσας, συναγαγὼν δὲ τὰς ὡραίας παρθένους περιστερὰς κολοπτέρους ἐν τοῖς συμποσίοις ἠφίει, κἀκείνας ἐκέλευσε θηρεύειν γυμνάς, τινὰς δὲ καὶ σανδάλια ὑποδουμένας ἄζυγα, τὸ μὲν ὑψηλὸν τὸ δὲ ταπεινόν, περιδιώκειν τὰς φάσσας τοῦ ἀπρεποῦς χάριν. δίκας μέντοι ἔτισεν, ἐπειδὴ πάλιν εἰς τὴν Σικελίαν ἐπανῆλθεν ἀναληψόμενος τὴν ἀρχήν· καταλύσαντες γὰρ οἱ Λοκροὶ τὴν φρουρὰν ἠλευθέρωσαν σφᾶς καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν παιδίων κύριοι κατέστησαν· δύο δ' ἦσαν αἱ θυγατέρες καὶ τῶν υἱῶν ὁ νεώτερος ἤδη μειράκιον· ἅτερος γὰρ Ἀπολλοκράτης συνεστρατήγει τῷ πατρὶ τὴν κάθοδον. πολλὰ δὲ δεομένῳ τῷ Διονυσίῳ καὐτῷ καὶ Ταραντίνοις ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ προέσθαι τὰ σώματα ἐφ' οἷς ἂν ἐθελήσωσιν οὐκ ἔδοσαν, ἀλλὰ πολιορκίαν ὑπέμειναν καὶ πόρθησιν τῆς χώρας, τὸν δὲ θυμὸν εἰς τὰς θυγατέρας τὸν πλεῖστον ἐξέχεαν· καταπορνευθείσας γὰρ ἐστραγγάλησαν, εἶτα καύσαντες τὰ σώματα κατήλεσαν τὰ ὀστᾶ καὶ κατεπόντωσαν. τῆς δὲ τῶν Λοκρῶν νομογραφίας μνησθεὶς Ἔφορος, ἣν Ζάλευκος συνέταξεν ἔκ τε τῶν Κρητικῶν νομίμων καὶ Λακωνικῶν καὶ ἐκ τῶν Ἀρεοπαγιτικῶν, φησὶν ἐν τοῖς πρώτοις καινίσαι τοῦτο τὸν Ζάλευκον ὅτι, τῶν πρότερον τὰς ζημίας τοῖς δικασταῖς ἐπιτρεψάντων ὁρίζειν ἐφ' ἑκάστοις τοῖς ἀδικήμασιν, ἐκεῖνος ἐν τοῖς νόμοις διώρισεν, ἡγούμενος τὰς μὲν γνώμας τῶν δικαστῶν οὐχὶ τὰς αὐτὰς εἶναι περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν, τὰς δὲ ζημίας δεῖν εἶναι τὰς αὐτάς· ἐπαινεῖ δἐ καὶ τὸ ἁπλουστέρως αὐτὸν περὶ τῶν συμβολαίων διατάξαι. Θουρίους δ' ὕστερον ἀκριβοῦν θέλοντας πέρα τῶν Λοκρῶν ἐνδοξοτέρους μὲν γενέσθαι, χείρονας δέ· εὐνομεῖσθαι γὰρ οὐ τοὺς ἐν τοῖς νόμοις ἅπαντα φυλαττομένους τὰ τῶν συκοφαντῶν, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἐμμένοντας τοῖς ἁπλῶς κειμένοις. τοῦτο δὲ καὶ Πλάτων εἴρηκεν ὅτι παρ' οἷς πλεῖστοι νόμοι καὶ δίκαι παρὰ τούτοις καὶ βίοι μοχθηροί, καθάπερ καὶ παρ' οἷς ἰατροὶ πολλοὶ καὶ νόσους εἰκὸς εἶναι πολλάς.

The Locri Epizephyrii are believed to have been the first people to use written laws. After they had lived under good laws for a very long time, Dionysius, on being banished from the country of the Syracusans, {46} abused them most lawlessly of all men. For he would sneak into the bed-chambers of the girls after they had been dressed up for their wedding, and lie with them before their marriage; and he would gather together the girls who were ripe for marriage, let loose doves with cropped wings upon them in the midst of the banquets, and then bid the girls waltz around unclad, and also bid some of them, shod with sandals that were not mates (one high and the other low), chase the doves around--all for the sheer indecency of it. However, he paid the penalty after he went back to Sicily again to resume his government; for the Locri broke up his garrison, set themselves free, and thus became masters of his wife and children. These children were his two daughters, and the younger of his two sons (who was already a lad), for the other, Apollocrates, was helping his father to effect his return to Sicily by force of arms. And although Dionysius--both himself and the Tarantini on his behalf--earnestly begged the Locri to release the prisoners on any terms they wished, they would not give them up; instead, they endured a siege and a devastation of their country. But they poured out most of their wrath upon his daughters, for they first made them prostitutes and then strangled them, and then, after burning their bodies, ground up the bones and sank them in the sea. Now Ephorus, in his mention of the written legislation of the Locri which was drawn up by Zaleucus from the Cretan, the Laconian, and the Areopagite usages, says that Zaleucus was among the first to make the following innovation--that whereas before his time it had been left to the judges to determine the penalties for the several crimes, he defined them in the laws, because he held that the opinions of the judges about the same crimes would not be the same, although they ought to be the same. And Ephorus goes on to commend Zaleucus for drawing up the laws on contracts in simpler language. And he says that the Thurii, who later on wished to excel the Locri in precision, became more famous, to be sure, but morally inferior; for, he adds, it is not those who in their laws guard against all the wiles of false accusers that have good laws, but those who abide by laws that are laid down in simple language. And Plato has said as much--that where there are very many laws, there are also very many lawsuits and corrupt practices, just as where there are many physicians, there are also likely to be many diseases. {47}

46. Dionysius the Younger was banished thence in 357 B.C.

47. This appears to be an exact quotation, but the translator has been unable to find the reference in extant works. Plato utters a somewhat similar sentiment, however, in the Plat. Rep. 404e-405a.

 

006.001.009

 τοῦ δὲ Ἅληκος ποταμοῦ τοῦ διορίζοντος τὴν Ῥηγίνην ἀπὸ τῆς Λοκρίδος βαθεῖαν φάραγγα διεξιόντος ἴδιόν τι συμβαίνει τὸ περὶ τοὺς τέττιγας· οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐν τῇ τῶν Λοκρῶν περαίᾳ φθέγγονται, τοῖς δ' ἀφώνοις εἶναι συμβαίνει· τὸ δ' αἴτιον εἰκάζουσιν ὅτι τοῖς μὲν παλίνσκιόν ἐστι τὸ χωρίον ὥστ' ἐνδρόσους ὄντας μὴ διαστέλλειν τοὺς ὑμένας, τοὺς δ' ἡλιαζομένους ξηροὺς καὶ κερατώδεις ἔχειν ὥστ' ἀπ' αὐτῶν εὐφυῶς ἐκπέμπεσθαι τὸν φθόγγον. ἐδείκνυτο δ' ἀνδριὰς ἐν Λοκροῖς Εὐνόμου τοῦ κιθαρῳδοῦ τέττιγα ἐπὶ τὴν κιθάραν καθήμενον ἔχων. φησὶ δὲ Τίμαιος Πυθίοις ποτὲ ἀγωνιζομένους τοῦτόν τε καὶ Ἀρίστωνα Ῥηγῖνον ἐρίσαι περὶ τοῦ κλήρου· τὸν μὲν δὴ Ἀρίστωνα δεῖσθαι τῶν Δελφῶν ἑαυτῷ συμπράττειν· ἱεροὺς γὰρ εἶναι τοῦ θεοῦ τοὺς προγόνους αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν ἀποικίαν ἐνθένδε ἐστάλθαι· τοῦ δ' Εὐνόμου φήσαντος ἀρχὴν μηδὲ μετεῖναι ἐκείνοις τῶν περὶ φωνὴν ἀγωνισμάτων, παρ' οἷς καὶ οἱ τέττιγες εἶεν ἄφωνοι τὰ εὐφθογγότατα τῶν ζῴων, ὅμως εὐδοκιμεῖν μηδὲν ἧττον τὸν Ἀρίστωνα καὶ ἐν ἐλπίδι τὴν νίκην ἔχειν, νικῆσαι μέντοι τὸν Εὔνομον καὶ ἀναθεῖναι τὴν λεχθεῖσαν εἰκόνα ἐν τῇ πατρίδι, ἐπειδὴ κατὰ τὸν ἀγῶνα μιᾶς τῶν χορδῶν ῥαγείσης ἐπιστὰς τέττιξ ἐκπληρώσειε τὸν φθόγγον. τὴν δ' ὑπὲρ τῶν πόλεων τούτων μεσόγαιαν Βρέττιοι κατέχουσι· καὶ πόλις ἐνταῦθα Μαμέρτιον καὶ ὁ δρυμὸς ὁ φέρων τὴν ἀρίστην πίτταν τὴν Βρεττίαν, ὃν Σίλαν καλοῦσιν, εὔδενδρός τε καὶ εὔυδρος, μῆκος ἑπτακοσίων σταδίων.

The Halex River, which marks the boundary between the Rhegian and the Locrian territories, passes out through a deep ravine; and a peculiar thing happens there in connection with the grasshoppers, that although those on the Locrian bank sing, the others remain mute. As for the cause of this, it is conjectured that on the latter side the region is so densely shaded that the grasshoppers, being wet with dew, cannot expand their membranes, whereas those on the sunny side have dry and horn-like membranes and therefore can easily produce their song. And people used to show in Locri a statue of Eunomus, the cithara-bard, with a locust seated on the cithara. Timaeus says that Eunomus and Ariston of Rhegium were once contesting with each other at the Pythian games and fell to quarrelling about the casting of the lots; {48} so Ariston begged the Delphians to cooperate with him, for the reason that his ancestors belonged {49} to the god and that the colony had been sent forth from there; {50} and although Eunomus said that the Rhegini had absolutely no right even to participate in the vocal contests, since in their country even the grasshoppers, the sweetest-voiced of all creatures, were mute, Ariston was none the less held in favor and hoped for the victory; and yet Eunomus gained the victory and set up the aforesaid image in his native land, because during the contest, when one of the chords broke, a grasshopper lit on his cithara and supplied the missing sound. The interior above these cities is held by the Brettii; here is the city Mamertium, and also the forest that produces the best pitch, the Brettian. This forest is called Sila, is both well wooded and well watered, and is seven hundred stadia in length.

48. Apparently as to which should perform first.

49. Cp. 6. 1. 6.

50. From Delphi to Rhegium.

 

006.001.010

 μετὰ δὲ Λοκροὺς Σάγρα, ὃν θηλυκῶς ὀνομάζουσιν, ἐφ' οὗ βωμοὶ Διοσκούρων, περὶ οὓς Λοκροὶ μύριοι μετὰ Ῥηγίνων πρὸς δεκατρεῖς μυριάδας Κροτωνιατῶν συμβαλόντες ἐνίκησαν· ἀφ' οὗ τὴν παροιμίαν πρὸς τοὺς ἀπιστοῦντας ἐκπεσεῖν φασιν “ἀληθέστερα τῶν ἐπὶ Σάγρᾳ.” προσμεμυθεύκασι δ' ἔνιοι καὶ διότι αὐθημερὸν τοῦ ἀγῶνος ἐνεστῶτος Ὀλυμπίασιν ἀπαγγελθείη τοῖς ἐκεῖ τὸ συμβάν, καὶ εὑρεθείη τὸ τάχος τῆς ἀγγελίας ἀληθές. ταύτην δὲ τὴν συμφορὰν αἰτίαν τοῖς Κροτωνιάταις φασὶ τοῦ μὴ πολὺν ἔτι συμμεῖναι χρόνον διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν τότε πεσόντων ἀνδρῶν. μετὰ δὲ τὴν Σάγραν Ἀχαιῶν κτίσμα Καυλωνία, πρότερον δ' Αὐλωνία λεγομένη διὰ τὸν προκείμενον αὐλῶνα. ἔστι δ' ἔρημος· οἱ γὰρ ἔχοντες εἰς Σικελίαν ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων ἐξέπεσον καὶ τὴν ἐκεῖ Καυλωνίαν ἔκτισαν. μετὰ δὲ ταύτην Σκυλλήτιον ἄποικος Ἀθηναίων τῶν μετὰ Μενεσθέως νῦν δὲ Σκυλάκιον καλεῖται , Κροτωνιατῶν δ' ἐχόντων Διονύσιος Λοκροῖς προσώρισεν. ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς πόλεως καὶ ὁ κόλπος Σκυλλητικὸς ὠνόμασται, ποιῶν τὸν εἰρημένον ἰσθμὸν πρὸς τὸν Ἱππωνιάτην κόλπον. ἐπεχείρησε δ' ὁ Διονύσιος καὶ διατειχίζειν τὸν ἰσθμὸν στρατεύσας ἐπὶ Λευκανούς, λόγῳ μὲν ὡς ἀσφάλειαν παρέξων ἀπὸ τῶν ἐκτὸς βαρβάρων τοῖς ἐντὸς ἰσθμοῦ, τὸ δ' ἀληθὲς λῦσαι τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους κοινωνίαν τῶν Ἑλλήνων βουλόμενος, ὥστ' ἄρχειν ἀδεῶς τῶν ἐντός· ἀλλ' ἐκώλυσαν οἱ ἐκτὸς εἰσελθόντες.

After Locri comes the Sagra, a river which has a feminine name. On its banks are the altars of the Dioscuri, near which ten thousand Locri, with Rhegini, {51} clashed with one hundred and thirty thousand Crotoniates and gained the victory--an occurrence which gave rise, it is said, to the proverb we use with incredulous people, "Truer than the result at Sagra." And some have gone on to add the fable that the news of the result was reported on the same day {52} to the people at the Olympia when the games were in progress, and that the speed with which the news had come was afterwards verified. This misfortune of the Crotoniates is said to be the reason why their city did not endure much longer, so great was the multitude of men who fell in the battle. After the Sagra comes a city founded by the Achaeans, Caulonia, formerly called Aulonia, because of the glen {53} which lies in front of it. It is deserted, however, for those who held it were driven out by the barbarians to Sicily and founded the Caulonia there. After this city comes Scylletium, a colony of the Athenians who were with Menestheus (and now called Scylacium). {54} Though the Crotoniates held it, Dionysius included it within the boundaries of the Locri. The Scylletic Gulf, which, with the Hipponiate Gulf forms the aforementioned isthmus, {55} is named after the city. Dionysius undertook also to build a wall across the isthmus when he made war upon the Leucani, on the pretext, indeed, that it would afford security to the people inside the isthmus from the barbarians outside, but in truth because he wished to break the alliance which the Greeks had with one another, and thus command with impunity the people inside; but the people outside came in and prevented the undertaking.

51. The Greek, as the English, leaves one uncertain whether merely the Locrian or the combined army amounted to 10,000 men. Justin 20.3 gives the number of the Locrian army as 15,000, not mentioning the Rhegini; hence one might infer that there were 5,000 Rhegini, and Strabo might have so written, for the Greek symbol for 5,000 (,ε), might have fallen out of the text.

52. Cicero De Natura Deorum 2.2. refers to this tradition.

53. "Aulon."

54. Cp. Vergil Aen. 3.552.

55. 6. 1. 4.

 

006.001.011

 μετὰ δὲ τὸ Σκυλλήτιον ἡ Κροτωνιᾶτις χώρα καὶ τῶν Ἰαπύγων ἄκραι τρεῖς. μετὰ δὲ ταύτας τὸ Λακίνιον Ἥρας ἱερόν, πλούσιόν ποτε ὑπάρξαν καὶ πολλῶν ἀναθημάτων μεστόν. τὰ διάρματα δ' οὐκ εὐκρινῶς λέγεται· πλὴν ὥς γε ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ σταδίους ἀπὸ πορθμοῦ μέχρι Λακινίου Πολύβιος ἀποδίδωσι χιλίους καὶ τριακοσίους, ἐντεῦθεν δὲ καὶ δίαρμα εἰς ἄκραν Ἰαπυγίαν ἑπτακοσίους. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν στόμα λέγουσι τοῦ Ταραντίνου κόλπου. αὐτὸς δ' ὁ κόλπος ἔχει περίπλουν ἀξιόλογον μιλίων διακοσίων τετταράκοντα, ὡς ὁ χωρογράφος φησί . . . τριακοσίων ὀγδοήκοντα . . . ἀζώνῳ, Ἀρτεμίδωρος· τοσούτοις δὲ καὶ λείπων . . . τοῦ πλάτους τοῦ στόματος τοῦ κόλπου. βλέπει δὲ πρὸς ἀνατολὰς χειμερινάς, ἀρχὴ δ' αὐτοῦ τὸ Λακίνιον· κάμψαντι γὰρ εὐθὺς αἱ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πόλεις ἦσαν, αἳ νῦν οὐκ εἰσὶ πλὴν τῆς Ταραντίνων. ἀλλὰ διὰ τὴν δόξαν τινῶν ἄξιον καὶ ἐπὶ πλέον αὐτῶν μνησθῆναι.

After Scylletium comes the territory of the Crotoniates, and three capes of the Iapyges; and after these, the Lacinium, {56} a temple of Hera, which at one time was rich and full of dedicated offerings. As for the distances by sea, writers give them without satisfactory clearness, except that, in a general way, Polybius gives the distance from the strait to Lacinium as two thousand three hundred stadia, {57} and the distance thence across to Cape Iapygia as seven hundred. This point is called the mouth of the Tarantine Gulf. As for the gulf itself, the distance around it by sea is of considerable length, two hundred and forty miles, {58} as the Chorographer {59} says, but Artemidorus says three hundred and eighty for a man well-girded, although he falls short of the real breadth of the mouth of the gulf by as much. {60} The gulf faces the winter-sunrise; {61} and it begins at Cape Lacinium, for, on doubling it, one immediately comes to the cities {62} of the Achaeans, which, except that of the Tarantini, no longer exist, and yet, because of the fame of some of them, are worthy of rather extended mention.

56. The Lacinium derived its name from Cape Lacinium (now Cape Nao), on which it was situated. According to Diod. Sic. 4.24, Heracles, when in this region, put to death a cattle-thief named Lacinius. Hence the name of the cape.

57. Strabo probably wrote "two thousand" and not "one thousand" (see Manner, t. 9. 9, p. 202), and so read Gosselin, Groskurd, Forbiger, Müller-Dübner, and Meineke. Compare Strabo's other quotation (5. 1. 3) from Polybius on this subject. There, as here, unfortunately, the figures ascribed to Polybius cannot be compared with his original statement, which is now lost.

58. 240 Roman miles=1,920, or 2,000 (see 7. 7. 4), stadia.

59. See 5. 2. 7, and the footnote.

60. This passage ("although . . . much") is merely an attempt to translate the Greek of the manuscripts. The only variant in the manuscripts is that of "ungirded" for "well-girded." If Strabo wrote either, which is extremely doubtful, we must infer that Artemidorus' figure, whatever it was pertained to the number of days it would take a pedestrian, at the rate, say of 160 stadia (20 Roman miles) per day, to make the journey around the gulf by land. Most of the editors (including Meineke) dismiss the passage as hopeless by merely indicating gaps in the text. Groskurd and C. Müller not only emend words of the text but also fill in the supposed gaps with seventeen and nine words, respectively. Groskurd makes Artemidorus say that a well-girded pedestrian can complete the journey around the gulf in twelve days, that the coasting-voyage around it is 2,000 stadia, and that he leaves for the mouth the same number (700) of stadia assigned by Polybius to the breadth of the mouth of the gulf. But C. Müller writes: "Some make it less, saying 1,380 stadia, whereas Artemidorus makes it as many plus 30 (1,410), in speaking of the breadth of the mouth of the gulf." But the present translator, by making very simple emendations (see critical note 2 on page 38), arrives at the following: Artemidorus says eighty stadia longer (i.e., 2,000) although he falls short of the breadth of the mouth of the gulf by as much (i.e., 700 - 80 = 620). It should be noted that Artemidorus, as quoted by Strabo, always gives distances in terms of stadia, not miles (e.g., 3. 2. 11, 8. 2. 1, 14. 2. 29, et passim), and that his figures at times differ considerably from those of the Chorographer (cp. 6. 3. 10).

61. i.e., south-east.

62. As often Strabo refers to sites of perished cities as cities.

006.001.012

 πρώτη δ' ἐστὶ Κρότων ἐν ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα σταδίοις ἀπὸ τοῦ Λακινίου καὶ ποταμὸς Αἴσαρος καὶ λιμὴν καὶ ἄλλος ποταμὸς Νέαιθος, ᾧ τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν γενέσθαι φασὶν ἀπὸ τοῦ συμβεβηκότος. καταχθέντας γάρ τινας τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἰλιακοῦ στόλου πλανηθέντων Ἀχαιῶν ἐκβῆναι λέγουσιν ἐπὶ τὴν κατάσκεψιν τῶν χωρίων, τὰς δὲ συμπλεούσας αὐτοῖς Τρῳάδας καταμαθούσας ἔρημα ἀνδρῶν τὰ πλοῖα ἐμπρῆσαι βαρυνομένας τὸν πλοῦν, ὥστ' ἀναγκασθῆναι μένειν ἐκείνους, ἅμα καὶ τὴν γῆν σπουδαίαν ὁρῶντας· εὐθὺς δὲ καὶ ἄλλων πλειόνων εἰσαφικνουμένων καὶ ζηλούντων ἐκείνους κατὰ τὸ ὁμόφυλον, πολλὰς κατοικίας γενέσθαι, ὧν αἱ πλείους ὁμώνυμοι τῶν ποταμῶν ἐγένοντο. φησὶ δ' Ἀντίοχος, τοῦ θεοῦ χρήσαντος Ἀχαιοῖς Κρότωνα κτίζειν, ἀπελθεῖν Μύσκελλον κατασκεψόμενον τὸν τόπον, ἰδόντα δ' ἐκτισμένην ἤδη Σύβαριν ποταμῷ τῷ πλησίον ὁμώνυμον κρῖναι ταύτην ἀμείνω· ἐπανερέσθαι δ' οὖν ἀπιόντα τὸν θεὸν εἰ λῷον εἴη ταύτην ἀντ' ἐκείνης κτίζειν, τὸν δὲ ἀνειπεῖν ἐτύγχανε δὲ ὑπόκυφος ὢν ὁ Μύσκελλος

Μύσκελλε βραχύνωτε, παρὲκ θεὸν ἄλλο ματεύων κλάσματα θηρεύεις· δῶρον δ' ὅ τι δῷ τις ἐπαινεῖν.

ἐπανελθόντα δὲ κτίσαι τὸν Κρότωνα συμπράξαντος καὶ Ἀρχίου τοῦ τὰς Συρακούσσας οἰκίσαντος, προσπλεύσαντος κατὰ τύχην ἡνίκα ὥρμητο ἐπὶ τὸν τῶν Συρακουσσῶν οἰκισμόν. ᾤκουν δὲ Ἰάπυγες τὸν Κρότωνα πρότερον, ὡς Ἔφορός φησι. δοκεῖ δ' ἡ πόλις τά τε πολέμια ἀσκῆσαι καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν ἄθλησιν· ἐν μιᾷ γοῦν Ὀλυμπιάδι οἱ τῶν ἄλλων προτερήσαντες τῷ σταδίῳ ἑπτὰ ἄνδρες ἅπαντες ὑπῆρξαν Κροτωνιᾶται, ὥστ' εἰκότως εἰρῆσθαι δοκεῖ διότι Κροτωνιατῶν ὁ ἔσχατος πρῶτος ἦν τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων· καὶ τὴν παροιμίαν δὲ ὑγιέστερον Κρότωνος λέγουσαν ἐντεῦθεν εἰρῆσθαί φασιν, ὡς τοῦ τόπου πρὸς ὑγίειαν καὶ εὐεξίαν ἔχοντός τι φορόν. πλείστους οὖν Ὀλυμπιονίκας ἔσχε, καίπερ οὐ πολὺν χρόνον οἰκηθεῖσα διὰ τὸν φθόρον τῶν ἐπὶ Σάγρᾳ πεσόντων ἀνδρῶν τοσούτων τὸ πλῆθος· προσέλαβε δὲ τῇ δόξῃ καὶ τὸ τῶν Πυθαγορείων πλῆθος καὶ Μίλων, ἐπιφανέστατος μὲν τῶν ἀθλητῶν γεγονὼς ὁμιλητὴς δὲ Πυθαγόρου διατρίψαντος ἐν τῇ πόλει πολὺν χρόνον. φασὶ δ' ἐν τῷ συσσιτίῳ ποτὲ τῶν φιλοσόφων πονήσαντος στύλου τὸν Μίλωνα ὑποδύοντα σῶσαι ἅπαντας, ὑποσπάσαι δὲ καὶ ἑαυτόν· τῇ δ' αὐτῇ ῥώμῃ πεποιθότα εἰκὸς καὶ τὴν ἱστορουμένην ὑπό τινων εὑρέσθαι καταστροφὴν τοῦ βίου. λέγεται γοῦν ὁδοιπορῶν ποτε δι' ὕλης βαθείας παραβῆναι τὴν ὁδὸν ἐπὶ πλέον, εἶθ' εὑρὼν ξύλον μέγα ἐσφηνωμένον, ἐμβαλὼν χεῖρας ἅμα καὶ πόδας εἰς τὴν διάστασιν βιάζεσθαι πρὸς τὸ διαστῆσαι τελέως· τοσοῦτον δ' ἴσχυσε μόνον ὥστ' ἐκπεσεῖν τοὺς σφῆνας· εἶτ' εὐθὺς ἐπισυμπεσεῖν τὰ μέρη τοῦ ξύλου, ἀποληφθέντα δ' αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ τοιαύτῃ πάγῃ θηρόβρωτον γενέσθαι.

The first city is Croton, within one hundred and fifty stadia from the Lacinium; and then comes the River Aesarus, and a harbor, and another river, the Neaethus. The Neaethus got its name, it is said, from what occurred there: Certain of the Achaeans who had strayed from the Trojan fleet put in there and disembarked for an inspection of the region, and when the Trojan women who were sailing with them learned that the boats were empty of men, they set fire to the boats, for they were weary of the voyage, so that the men remained there of necessity, although they at the same time noticed that the soil was very fertile. And immediately several other groups, on the strength of their racial kinship, came and imitated them, and thus arose many settlements, most of which took their names from the Trojans; and also a river, the Neaethus, took its appellation from the aforementioned occurrence. {63} According to Antiochus, when the god told the Achaeans to found Croton, Myscellus departed to inspect the place, but when he saw that Sybaris was already founded--having the same name as the river near by--he judged that Sybaris was better; at all events, he questioned the god again when he returned whether it would be better to found this instead of Croton, and the god replied to him (Myscellus {64} was a hunchback as it happened): "Myscellus, short of back, in searching else outside thy track, thou hunt'st for morsels only; 'tis right that what one giveth thee thou do approve;" {65} and Myscellus came back and founded Croton, having as an associate Archias, the founder of Syracuse, who happened to sail up while on his way to found Syracuse. {66} The Iapyges used to live at Croton in earlier times, as Ephorus says. And the city is reputed to have cultivated warfare and athletics; at any rate, in one Olympian festival the seven men who took the lead over all others in the stadium-race were all Crotoniates, and therefore the saying "The last of the Crotoniates was the first among all other Greeks" seems reasonable. And this, it is said, is what gave rise to the other proverb, "more healthful than Croton," the belief being that the place contains something that tends to health and bodily vigor, to judge by the multitude of its athletes. Accordingly, it had a very large number of Olympic victors, although it did not remain inhabited a long time, on account of the ruinous loss of its citizens who fell in such great numbers {67} at the River Sagra. And its fame was increased by the large number of its Pythagorean philosophers, and by Milo, who was the most illustrious of athletes, and also a companion of Pythagoras, who spent a long time in the city. It is said that once, at the common mess of the philosophers, when a pillar began to give way, Milo slipped in under the burden and saved them all, and then drew himself from under it and escaped. And it is probably because he relied upon this same strength that he brought on himself the end of his life as reported by some writers; at any rate, the story is told that once, when he was travelling through a deep forest, he strayed rather far from the road, and then, on finding a large log cleft with wedges, thrust his hands and feet at the same time into the cleft and strained to split the log completely asunder; but he was only strong enough to make the wedges fall out, whereupon the two parts of the log instantly snapped together; and caught in such a trap as that, he became food for wild beasts.

63. The Greek "Neas aethein" means "to burn ships."

64. Ovid Met. 15.20 spells the name "Myscelus," and perhaps rightly; that is, "Mouse-leg" (?).

65. For a fuller account, see Diod. Sic. 8. 17. His version of the oracle is: "Myscellus, short of back, in searching other things apart from god, thou searchest only after tears; what gift god giveth thee, do thou approve."

66. The generally accepted dates for the founding of Croton and Syracuse are, respectively, 710 B.C. and 734 B.C. But Strabo's account here seems to mean that Syracuse was founded immediately after Croton (cp. 6. 2. 4). Cp. also Thucydides 6. 3. 2.

67. Cp. 6. 1 10.

 

006.001.013

 ἐφεξῆς δ' ἐστὶν ἐν διακοσίοις σταδίοις Ἀχαιῶν κτίσμα ἡ Σύβαρις δυεῖν ποταμῶν μεταξύ, Κράθιδος καὶ Συβάριδος· οἰκιστὴς δ' αὐτῆς ὁ Ἰςὁς Ἑλικεύς. τοσοῦτον δ' εὐτυχίᾳ διήνεγκεν ἡ πόλις αὕτη τὸ παλαιὸν ὥστε τεττάρων μὲν ἐθνῶν τῶν πλησίον ἐπῆρξε, πέντε δὲ καὶ εἴκοσι πόλεις ὑπηκόους ἔσχε, τριάκοντα δὲ μυριάσιν ἀνδρῶν ἐπὶ Κροτωνιάτας ἐστράτευσεν, πεντήκοντα δὲ σταδίων κύκλον συνεπλήρουν οἰκοῦντες ἐπὶ τῷ Κράθιδι. ὑπὸ μέντοι τρυφῆς καὶ ὕβρεως ἅπασαν τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν ἀφῃρέθησαν ὑπὸ Κροτωνιατῶν ἐν ἡμέραις ἑβδομήκοντα· ἑλόντες γὰρ τὴν πόλιν ἐπήγαγον τὸν ποταμὸν καὶ κατέκλυσαν. ὕστερον δ' οἱ περιγενόμενοι συνελθόντες ἐπῴκουν ὀλίγοι· χρόνῳ δὲ καὶ οὗτοι διεφθάρησαν ὑπὸ Ἀθηναίων καὶ ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων, οἳ συνοικήσοντες μὲν ἐκείνοις ἀφίκοντο, καταφρονήσαντες δὲ αὐτῶν τοὺς μὲν διεχειρίσαντο ... τὴν δὲ πόλιν εἰς ἕτερον τόπον μετέθηκαν πλησίον καὶ Θουρίους προσηγόρευσαν ἀπὸ κρήνης ὁμωνύμου. ὁ μὲν οὖν Σύβαρις τοὺς πίνοντας ἵππους ἀπ' αὐτοῦ πτυρτικοὺς ποιεῖ· διὸ καὶ τὰς ἀγέλας ἀπείργουσιν ἀπ' αὐτοῦ· ὁ δὲ Κρᾶθις τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ξανθοτριχεῖν καὶ λευκοτριχεῖν ποιεῖ λουομένους καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ πάθη ἰᾶται. Θούριοι δ' εὐτυχήσαντες πολὺν χρόνον ὑπὸ Λευκανῶν ἠνδραποδίσθησαν, Ταραντίνων δ' ἀφελομένων ἐκείνους ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους κατέφυγον. οἱ δὲ πέμψαντες συνοίκους ὀλιγανδροῦσι μετωνόμασαν Κωπιὰς τὴν πόλιν.

Next in order, at a distance of two hundred stadia, comes Sybaris, founded by the Achaeans; it is between two rivers, the Crathis and the Sybaris. Its founder was Is of Helice. {68} In early times this city was so superior in its good fortune that it ruled over four tribes in the neighborhood, had twenty- five subject cities, made the campaign against the Crotoniates with three hundred thousand men, and its inhabitants on the Crathis alone completely filled up a circuit of fifty stadia. However, by reason of luxury {69} and insolence they were deprived of all their felicity by the Crotoniates within seventy days; for on taking the city these conducted the river over it and submerged it. Later on, the survivors, only a few, came together and were making it their home again, but in time these too were destroyed by Athenians and other Greeks, who, although they came there to live with them, conceived such a contempt for them that they not only slew them but removed the city to another place near by and named it Thurii, after a spring of that name. Now the Sybaris River makes the horses that drink from it timid, and therefore all herds are kept away from it; whereas the Crathis makes the hair of persons who bathe in it yellow or white, and besides it cures many afflictions. Now after the Thurii had prospered for a long time, they were enslaved by the Leucani, and when they were taken away from the Leucani by the Tarantini, they took refuge in Rome, and the Romans sent colonists to supplement them, since their population was reduced, and changed the name of the city to Copiae.

68. The reading, "Is of Helice," is doubtful. On Helice, see 1. 3. 18 and 8. 7. 2.

69. Cp. "Sybarite."

 

006.001.014

 μετὰ δὲ Θουρίους Λαγαρία φρούριον, Ἐπειοῦ καὶ Φωκέων κτίσμα, ὅθεν καὶ ὁ Λαγαριτανὸς οἶνος, γλυκὺς καὶ ἁπαλὸς καὶ παρὰ τοῖς ἰατροῖς σφόδρα εὐδοκιμῶν· καὶ ὁ Θουρῖνος δὲ τῶν ἐν ὀνόματι οἴνων ἐστίν. εἶθ' Ἡράκλεια πόλις μικρὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς θαλάττης, καὶ ποταμοὶ δύο πλωτοὶ Ἄκιρις καὶ Σῖρις, ἐφ' οὗ πόλις ἦν ὁμώνυμος Τρωική· χρόνῳ δὲ τῆς Ἡρακλείας ἐντεῦθεν οἰκισθείσης ὑπὸ Ταραντίνων, ἐπίνειον αὕτη τῶν Ἡρακλεωτῶν ὑπῆρξε. διεῖχε δ' Ἡρακλείας μὲν τέτταρας καὶ εἴκοσι σταδίους, Θουρίων δὲ περὶ τριακοσίους τριάκοντα. τῆς δὲ τῶν Τρώων κατοικίας τεκμήριον ποιοῦνται τὸ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς τῆς Ἰλιάδος ξόανον ἱδρυμένον αὐτόθι, ὅπερ καταμῦσαι μυθεύουσιν ἀποσπωμένων τῶν ἱκετῶν ὑπὸ Ἰώνων τῶν ἑλόντων τὴν πόλιν· τούτους γὰρ ἐπελθεῖν οἰκήτορας φεύγοντας τὴν Λυδῶν ἀρχήν, καὶ βίᾳ λαβεῖν τὴν πόλιν Χώνων οὖσαν, καλέσαι δὲ αὐτὴν Πολίειον· δείκνυσθαι δὲ καὶ νῦν καταμῦον τὸ ξόανον. ἰταμὸν μὲν οὖν καὶ τὸ οὕτω μυθεύειν, ὥστε μὴ καταμῦσαι ἀναινόμενον, καθάπερ καὶ ἐν Ἰλίῳ ἀποστραφῆναι κατὰ τὸν Κασάνδρας βιασμόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ καταμῦον δείκνυσθαι· πολὺ δὲ ἰταμώτερον τὸ τοσαῦτα ποιεῖν ἐξ Ἰλίου κεκομισμένα ξόανα, ὅσα φασὶν οἱ συγγραφεῖς· καὶ γὰρ ἐν Ῥώμῃ καὶ ἐν Λαουινίῳ καὶ ἐν Λουκερίᾳ καὶ ἐν Σειρίτιδι Ἰλιὰς Ἀθηνᾶ καλεῖται ὡς ἐκεῖθεν κομισθεῖσα. καὶ τὸ τῶν Τρῳάδων δὲ τόλμημα περιφέρεται πολλαχοῦ καὶ ἄπιστον φαίνεται καίπερ δυνατὸν ὄν. τινὲς δὲ καὶ Ῥοδίων κτίσμα φασὶ καὶ Σειρῖτιν καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τοῦ Τράεντος Σύβαριν. φησὶ δ' Ἀντίοχος τοὺς Ταραντίνους Θουρίοις καὶ Κλεανδρίδᾳ τῷ στρατηγῷ φυγάδι ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος πολεμοῦντας περὶ τῆς Σειρίτιδος συμβῆναι, καὶ συνοικῆσαι μὲν κοινῇ, τὴν δ' ἀποικίαν κριθῆναι Ταραντίνων, Ἡράκλειαν δ' ὕστερον κληθῆναι μεταβαλοῦσαν καὶ τοὔνομα καὶ τὸν τόπον.

After Thurii comes Lagaria, a stronghold, bounded by Epeius and the Phocaeans; thence comes the Lagaritan wine, which is sweet, mild, and extremely well thought of among physicians. That of Thurii, too, is one of the famous wines. Then comes the city Heracleia, a short distance above the sea; and two navigable rivers, the Aciris and the Siris. On the Siris there used to be a Trojan city of the same name, but in time, when Heracleia was colonized thence by the Tarantini, it became the port of the Heracleotes. It is Twenty-four stadia distant from Heracleia and about three hundred and thirty from Thurii. Writers produce as proof of its settlement by the Trojans the wooden image of the Trojan Athene which is set up there--the image that closed its eyes, the fable goes, when the suppliants were dragged away by the Ionians who captured the city; for these Ionians came there as colonists when in flight from the dominion of the Lydians, and by force took the city, which belonged to the Chones, {70} and called it Polieium; and the image even now can be seen closing its eyes. It is a bold thing, to be sure, to tell such a fable and to say that the image not only closed its eyes (just as they say the image in Troy turned away at the time Cassandra was violated) but can also be seen closing its eyes; and yet it is much bolder to represent as brought from Troy all those images which the historians say were brought from there; for not only in the territory of Siris, but also at Rome, at Lavinium, and at Luceria, Athene is called "Trojan Athena," as though brought from Troy. And further, the daring deed of the Trojan women is current in numerous places, and appears incredible, although it is possible. According to some, however, both Siris and the Sybaris which is on the Teuthras {71} were founded by the Rhodians. According to Antiochus, when the Tarantini were at war with the Thurii and their general Cleandridas, an exile from Lacedaemon, for the possession of the territory of Siris, they made a compromise and peopled Siris jointly, although it was adjudged the colony of the Tarantini; but later on it was called Heracleia, its site as well as its name being changed.

70. Cp. 6. 1. 2.

71. The "Teuthras" is otherwise unknown, except that there was a small river of that name, which cannot be identified, near Cumae (see Propertius 1. 11.11 and Silius Italicus 11.288). The river was probably named after Teuthras, king of Teuthrania in Mysia (see 12. 8. 2). But there seems to be no evidence of Sybarites in that region. Meineke and others are probably right in emending to the "Trais" (now the Trionto), on which, according to Diod. Sic. 12.22, certain Sybarites took up their abode in 445 B.C.

 

006.001.015

 ἑξῆς δ' ἐστὶ Μεταπόντιον, εἰς ἣν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐπινείου τῆς Ἡρακλείας εἰσὶ στάδιοι τετταράκοντα πρὸς τοῖς ἑκατόν. Πυλίων δὲ λέγεται κτίσμα τῶν ἐξ Ἰλίου πλευσάντων μετὰ Νέστορος, οὓς οὕτως ἀπὸ γεωργίας εὐτυχῆσαί φασιν ὥστε θέρος χρυσοῦν ἐν Δελφοῖς ἀναθεῖναι. σημεῖον δὲ ποιοῦνται τῆς κτίσεως τὸν τῶν Νηλειδῶν ἐναγισμόν· ἠφανίσθη δ' ὑπὸ Σαυνιτῶν. Ἀντίοχος δέ φησιν ἐκλειφθέντα τὸν τόπον ἐποικῆσαι τῶν Ἀχαιῶν τινας μεταπεμφθέντας ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν Συβάρει Ἀχαιῶν, μεταπεμφθῆναι δὲ κατὰ μῖσος τὸ πρὸς Ταραντίνους τῶν Ἀχαιῶν τῶν ἐκπεσόντων ἐκ τῆς Λακωνικῆς, ἵνα μὴ Ταραντῖνοι γειτνιῶντες ἐπιπηδήσαιεν τῷ τόπῳ. δυεῖν δ' οὐσῶν πόλεων, τοῦ Μεταποντίου ἐγγυτέρω τῆς δὲ Σειρίτιδος ἀπωτέρὦ τοῦ Τάραντος, πεισθῆναι τοὺς ἀφιγμένους ὑπὸ τῶν Συβαριτῶν τὸ Μεταπόντιον κατασχεῖν· τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ ἔχοντας ἕξειν καὶ τὴν Σειρῖτιν, εἰ δ' ἐπὶ τὴν Σειρῖτιν τράποιντο, προσθήσειν τοῖς Ταραντίνοις τὸ Μεταπόντιον ἐν πλευραῖς οὖσι. πολεμοῦντας δ' ὕστερον πρὸς τοὺς Ταραντίνους καὶ τοὺς ὑπερκειμένους Οἰνωτροὺς ἐπὶ μέρει διαλυθῆναι τῆς γῆς, ὅπερ γενέσθαι τῆς τότε Ἰταλίας ὅριον καὶ τῆς Ἰαπυγίας. ἐνταῦθα δὲ καὶ τὸν Μετάποντον μυθεύουσι καὶ τὴν Μελανίππην τὴν δεσμῶτιν καὶ τὸν ἐξ αὐτῆς Βοιωτόν. δοκεῖ δ' Ἀντίοχος τὴν πόλιν Μεταπόντιον εἰρῆσθαι πρότερον Μέταβον, παρωνομάσθαι δ' ὕστερον· τήν τε Μελανίππην οὐ πρὸς τοῦτον ἀλλὰ πρὸς Δῖον κομισθῆναι ἐλέγχειν ἡρῷον τοῦ Μετάβου καὶ Ἄσιον τὸν ποιητὴν φήσαντα ὅτι τὸν Βοιωτὸν

Δίου ἐνὶ μεγάροις τέκεν εὐειδὴς Μελανίππ 

ὡς πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἀχθεῖσαν τὴν Μελανίππην, οὐ πρὸς Μέταβον. οἰκιστὴς δὲ τοῦ Μεταποντίου Δαύλιος ὁ Κρίσης τύραννος γεγένηται τῆς περὶ Δελφούς, ὥς φησιν Ἔφορος. ἔστι δέ τις καὶ οὗτος λόγος ὡς ὁ πεμφθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἐπὶ τὸν συνοικισμὸν Λεύκιππος εἴη, χρησάμενος δὲ παρὰ τῶν Ταραντίνων τὸν τόπον εἰς ἡμέραν καὶ νύκτα μὴ ἀποδοίη, μεθ' ἡμέραν μὲν λέγων πρὸς τοὺς ἀπαιτοῦντας ὅτι καὶ εἰς τὴν ἐφεξῆς νύκτα αἰτήσαιτο καὶ λάβοι, νύκτωρ δ' ὅτι καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἑξῆς ἡμέραν. ἐφεξῆς δ' ἐστὶν ὁ Τάρας καὶ ἡ Ἰαπυγία, περὶ ὧν ἐροῦμεν, ὅταν πρότερον τὰς προκειμένας τῆς Ἰταλίας νήσους περιοδεύσωμεν κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πρόθεσιν· ἀεὶ γὰρ τοῖς ἔθνεσιν ἑκάστοις τὰς γειτνιώσας προσκαταλέγοντες νήσους καὶ νῦν, ἐπειδὴ μέχρι τέλους ἐπεληλύθαμεν τὴν Οἰνωτρίαν, ἥνπερ καὶ Ἰταλίαν μόνην ὠνόμαζον οἱ πρότερον, δίκαιοί ἐσμεν φυλάξαι τὴν αὐτὴν τάξιν, ἐπελθόντες τὴν Σικελίαν καὶ τὰς περὶ αὐτὴν νήσους.

Next in order comes Metapontium, which is one hundred and forty stadia from the naval station of Heracleia. It is said to have been founded by the Pylians who sailed from Troy with Nestor; and they so prospered from farming, it is said, that they dedicated a golden harvest {72} at Delphi. And writers produce as a sign of its having been founded by the Pylians the sacrifice to the shades of the sons of Neleus. {73} However, the city was wiped out by the Samnitae. According to Antiochus: Certain of the Achaeans were sent for by the Achaeans in Sybaris and resettled the place, then forsaken, but they were summoned only because of a hatred which the Achaeans who had been banished from Laconia had for the Tarantini, in order that the neighboring Tarantini might not pounce upon the place; there were two cities, but since, of the two, Metapontium was nearer {74} to Taras, {75} the newcomers were persuaded by the Sybarites to take Metapontium and hold it, for, if they held this, they would also hold the territory of Siris, whereas, if they turned to the territory of Siris, they would add Metapontium to the territory of the Tarantini, which latter was on the very flank of Metapontium; and when, later on, the Metapontians were at war with the Tarantini and the Oenotrians of the interior, a reconciliation was effected in regard to a portion of the land--that portion, indeed, which marked the boundary between the Italy of that time and Iapygia. {76} Here, too, the fabulous accounts place Metapontus, {77} and also Melanippe the prisoner and her son Boeotus. {78} In the opinion of Antiochus, the city Metapontium was first called Metabum and later on its name was slightly altered, and further, Melanippe was brought, not to Metabus, but to Dius, {79} as is proved by a hero-temple of Metabus, and also by Asius the poet, when he says that Boeotus was brought forth "in the halls of Dius by shapely Melanippe," {80} meaning that Melanippe was brought to Dius, not to Metabus. But, as Ephorus says, the colonizer of Metapontium was Daulius, the tyrant of the Crisa which is near Delphi. And there is this further account, that the man who was sent by the Achaeans to help colonize it was Leucippus, and that after procuring the use of the place from the Tarantini for only a day and night he would not give it back, replying by day to those who asked it back that he had asked and taken it for the next night also, and by night that he had taken and asked it also for the next day.Next in order comes Taras and Iapygia; but before discussing them I shall, in accordance with my original purpose, give a general description of the islands that lie in front of Italy; for as from time to time I have named also the islands which neighbor upon the several tribes, so now, since I have traversed Oenotria from beginning to end, which alone the people of earlier times called Italy, it is right that I should preserve the same order in traversing Sicily and the islands round about it.

72. An ear, or sheaf, of grain made of gold, apparently.

73. Neleus had twelve sons, including Nestor. All but Nestor were slain by Heracles.

74. The other, of course, was Siris.

75. The old name of Tarentum.

76. i.e., the Metapontians gained undisputed control of their city and its territory, which Antiochus speaks of as a "boundary" (cp. 6. 1. 4 and 6. 3. 1).

77. The son of Sisyphus. His "barbarian name," according to Stephanus Byzantinus and Eustathius, was Metabus.

78. One of Euripides' tragedies was entitled Melanippe the Prisoner; only fragments are preserved. She was the mother of Boeotus by Poseidon.

79. A Metapontian.

80. Asius Fr.

 

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 ἔστι δ' ἡ Σικελία τρίγωνος τῷ σχήματι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο Τρινακρία μὲν πρότερον, Θρινακία δ' ὕστερον προσηγορεύθη μετονομασθεῖσα εὐφωνότερον. τὸ δὲ σχῆμα διορίζουσι τρεῖς ἄκραι, Πελωριὰς μὲν ἡ πρὸς τὴν Καῖνυν καὶ τὴν στυλίδα τὴν Ῥηγίνων ποιοῦσα τὸν πορθμόν, Πάχυνος δὲ ἡ ἐκκειμένη πρὸς ἕω καὶ τῷ Σικελικῷ κλυζομένη πελάγει, βλέπουσα πρὸς τὴν Πελοπόννησον καὶ τὸν ἐπὶ Κρήτης πόρον· τρίτη δ' ἐστὶν ἡ προσεχὴς τῇ Λιβύῃ βλέπουσα πρὸς ταύτην ἅμα καὶ τὴν χειμερινὴν δύσιν, Λιλύβαιον. τῶν δὲ πλευρῶν, ἃς ἀφορίζουσιν αἱ τρεῖς ἄκραι, δύο μέν εἰσι κοῖλαι μετρίως, ἡ δὲ τρίτη κυρτή, ἡ ἀπὸ τοῦ Λιλυβαίου καθήκουσα πρὸς τὴν Πελωριάδα, ἥπερ μεγίστη ἐστί, σταδίων χιλίων καὶ ἑπτακοσίων, ὡς Ποσειδώνιος εἴρηκε προσθεὶς καὶ εἴκοσι. τῶν δ' ἄλλων ἡ ἐπὶ Πάχυνον ἀπὸ τοῦ Λιλυβαίου μείζων τῆς ἑτέρας· ἐλαχίστη δὲ ἡ τῷ πορθμῷ καὶ τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ προσεχής, ἡ ἀπὸ τῆς Πελωριάδος ἐπὶ τὸν Πάχυνον, σταδίων ὅσον χιλίων καὶ ἑκατὸν καὶ τριάκοντα. τὸν δὲ περίπλουν ὁ Ποσειδώνιος σταδίων τετταρακοσίων ἐπὶ τοῖς τετρακισχιλίοις ἀποφαίνει. ἐν δὲ τῇ χωρογραφίᾳ μείζω λέγεται τὰ διαστήματα κατὰ μέρος διῃρημένα μιλιασμῷ· ἐκ μὲν Πελωριάδος εἰς Μύλας εἴκοσι πέντε· τοσαῦτα δὲ καὶ ἐκ Μυλῶν εἰς Τυνδαρίδα· εἶτα εἰς Ἀγάθυρνον τριάκοντα καὶ τὰ ἴσα εἰς Ἄλαισαν καὶ πάλιν ἴσα εἰς Κεφαλοίδιον· ταῦτα μὲν πολίχνια· εἰς δ' Ἱμέραν ποταμὸν δεκαοκτὼ διὰ μέσης ῥέοντα τῆς Σικελίας· εἶτ' εἰς Πάνορμον τριάκοντα πέντε· δύο δὲ καὶ τριάκοντα εἰς τὸ τῶν Αἰγεσταίων ἐμπόριον· λοιπὰ δὲ εἰς Λιλύβαιον τριάκοντα ὀκτώ. ἐντεῦθεν δὲ κάμψαντι ἐπὶ τὸ συνεχὲς πλευρὸν εἰς μὲν τὸ Ἡράκλειον ἑβδομήκοντα πέντε, ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ Ἀκραγαντίνων ἐμπόριον εἴκοσι, καὶ ἄλλα εἴκοσιν εἰς Καμάριναν· εἶτ' ἐπὶ Πάχυνον πεντήκοντα. ἔνθεν πάλιν κατὰ τὸ τρίτον πλευρὸν εἰς μὲν Συρακούσσας τριάκοντα ἕξ, εἰς δὲ Κατάνην ἑξήκοντα· εἶτ' εἰς Ταυρομένιον τριάκοντα τρία· εἶτ' εἰς Μεσσήνην τριάκοντα. πεζῇ δὲ ἐκ μὲν Παχύνου εἰς Πελωριάδα ἑκατὸν ἑξήκοντα ὀκτώ, ἐκ δὲ Μεσσήνης εἰς Λιλύβαιον τῇ Ὀυαλερίᾳ ὁδῷ διακόσιἆ τριάκοντα πέντε. ἔνιοι δ' ἁπλούστερον εἰρήκασιν, ὥσπερ Ἔφορος, τὸν περίπλουν ἡμερῶν καὶ νυκτῶν πέντε. Ποσειδώνιος δὲ τοῖς κλίμασιν ἀφορίζων τὴν νῆσον πρὸς ἄρκτον μὲν τὴν Πελωριάδα, πρὸς νότον δὲ Λιλύβαιον, πρὸς ἕω δὲ τὸν Πάχυνον τίθησιν. ἀνάγκη δέ, τῶν κλιμάτων ἐν παραλληλογράμμῳ σχήματι διαστελλομένων, τὰ ἐγγραφόμενα τρίγωνα καὶ μάλιστα ὅσα σκαληνὰ καὶ ὧν οὐδεμία πλευρὰ ὁὐδεμιᾆ τῶν τοῦ παραλληλογράμμου ἐφαρμόττει, ἀναρμόστως ἔχειν πρὸς τὰ κλίματα διὰ τὴν λόξωσιν. ὅμως δ' οὖν ἐν τοῖς τῆς Σικελίας τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ πρὸς νότον κειμένης ἡ Πελωριὰς ἀρκτικωτάτη λέγοιτ' ἂν καλῶς τῶν τριῶν γωνιῶν, ὥσθ' ἡ ἐπιζευγνυμένη ἀπ' αὐτῆς ἐπὶ τὸν Πάχυνον, ὃν ἐκκεῖσθαι πρὸς ἕω ἔφαμεν, ἅμα πρὸς ἄρκτον βλέπουσα ποιήσει τὴν πλευρὰν τὴν πρὸς τὸν πορθμόν. δεῖ δ' ἐπιστροφὴν μικρὰν λαμβάνειν ἐπὶ χειμερινὰς ἀνατολάς· οὕτω γὰρ ἡ ᾐὼν παρακλίνει προϊοῦσιν ἀπὸ τῆς Κατάνης ἐπὶ τὰς Συρακούσσας καὶ τὸν Πάχυνον. δίαρμα δ' ἐστὶν ἀπὸ τοῦ Παχύνου πρὸς τὸ στόμα τοῦ Ἀλφειοῦ στάδιοι τετρακισχίλιοι. Ἀρτεμίδωρος δ' ἀπὸ τοῦ Παχύνου φήσας ἐπὶ Ταίναρον εἶναι τετρακισχιλίους καὶ ἑξακοσίους, ἀπὸ δ' Ἀλφειοῦ ἐπὶ Παμισὸν χιλίους ἑκατὸν τριάκοντα, παρασχεῖν ἂν δοκεῖ μοι λόγον μὴ οὐχ ὁμολογούμενα λέγῃ τῷ φήσαντι τετρακισχιλίους εἶναι τοὺς ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀλφειὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ Παχύνου. ἡ δ' ἀπὸ Παχύνου πρὸς Λιλύβαιον ἑσπεριώτερον δὲ τῆς Πελωριάδος ἐστὶν ἱκανῶς ἂν καὐτὴ λοξοῖτο ἀπὸ τοῦ μεσημβρινοῦ σημείου πρὸς τὴν ἑσπέραν, βλέποι δὲ ἂν ἅμα πρός τε τὴν ἕω καὶ πρὸς τὸν νότον, τῇ μὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ Σικελικοῦ πελάγους κλυζομένη, τῇ δ' ὑπὸ τοῦ Λιβυκοῦ τοῦ πρὸς τὰς Σύρτεις διήκοντος ἀπὸ τῆς Καρχηδονίας. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἀπὸ Λιλυβαίου τοὐλάχιστον δίαρμα ἐπὶ Λιβύην χίλιοι καὶ πεντακόσιοι περὶ Καρχηδόνα· καθ' ὃ δὴ λέγεταί τις τῶν ὀξυδορκούντων ἀπό τινος σκοπῆς ἀπαγγέλλειν τὸν ἀριθμὸν τῶν ἀναγομένων ἐκ Καρχηδόνος σκαφῶν τοῖς ἐν Λιλυβαίῳ. ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Λιλυβαίου τὴν ἐπὶ Πελωριάδα πλευρὰν ἀνάγκη λοξοῦσθαι πρὸς ἕω καὶ βλέπειν πρὸς τὸ μεταξὺ τῆς ἑσπέρας καὶ τῆς ἄρκτου, πρὸς ἄρκτον μὲν ἔχουσαν τὴν Ἰταλίαν πρὸς δύσιν δὲ τὸ Τυρρηνικὸν πέλαγος καὶ τὰς Αἰόλου νήσους.

Sicily is triangular in shape; and for this reason it was at first called "Trinacria," though later the name was changed to the more euphonious "Thrinacis." Its shape is defined by three capes: Pelorias, which with Caenys and Columna Rheginorum forms the strait, and Pachynus, which lies out towards the east and is washed by the Sicilian Sea, thus facing towards the Peloponnesus and the sea-passage to Crete, and, third, Lilybaeum, the cape that is next to Libya, thus facing at the same time towards Libya and the winter sunset. {81} As for the sides which are marked off by the three capes, two of them are moderately concave, whereas the third, the one that reaches from Lilybaeum to Pelorias, is convex; and this last is the longest, being one thousand seven hundred stadia in length, as Poseidonius states, though he adds twenty stadia more. Of the other two sides, the one from Lilybaeum to Pachynus is longer than the other, and the one next to the strait and Italy, from Pelorias to Pachynus, is shortest, being about one thousand one hundred and thirty stadia long. And the distance round the island by sea, as declared by Poseidonius, is four thousand stadia. But in the Chorography the distances given are longer, marked off in sections and given in miles: from Pelorias to Mylae, twenty-five miles; the same from Mylae to Tyndaris; then to Agathyrnum thirty, and the same to Alaesa, and again the same to Cephaloedium, these being small towns; and eighteen to the River Himera, {82} which flows through the middle of Sicily; then to Panormus thirty-five, and thirty-two to the Emporium of the Aegestes, {83} and the rest of the way, to Lilybaeum, thirty-eight. Thence, on doubling Lilybaeum, to the adjacent side, to the Heracleium seventy-five miles, and to the Emporium of the Acragantini {84} twenty, and another twenty {85} to Camarina; and then to Pachynus fifty. Thence again along the third side: to Syracuse thirty-six, and to Catana sixty; then to Tauromenium thirty-three; and then to Messene thirty. {86} On foot, however, the distance from Pachynus to Pelorias is one hundred and sixty-eight miles, and from Messene to Lilybaeum by the Valerian Way two hundred and thirty-five. But some writers have spoken in a more general way, as, for example, Ephorus: "At any rate, the voyage round the island takes five days and nights." Further, Poseidonius, in marking off the boundaries of the island by means of the "climata," {87} puts Pelorias towards the north, Lilybaeum towards the south, and Pachynus towards the east. But since the "climata" are each divided off into parallelograms, necessarily the triangles that are inscribed (particularly those which are scalene and of which no side fits on any one of the sides of the parallelogram) cannot, because of their slant, be fitted to the "climata." {88} However this may be, one might fairly say, in the case of the "climata" of Sicily, which is situated south of Italy, that Pelorias is the most northerly of the three corners; and therefore the side that joins Pelorias to Pachynus will lie out {89} towards the east, thus facing towards the north, and also will form the side that is on the strait. But this side must take a slight turn toward the winter sunrise, {90} for the shore bends aside in this direction as one proceeds from Catana to Syracuse and Pachynus. Now the distance from Pachynus across to the mouth of the Alpheius {91} is four thousand stadia; but when Artemidorus says that it is four thousand six hundred stadia from Pachynus to Taenarum {92} and one thousand one hundred and thirty from the Alpheius to the Pamisus, he seems to me to afford us reason for suspecting that his statement is not in agreement with that of the man who says that the distance to the Alpheius from Pachynus is four thousand stadia. Again, the side that extends from Pachynus to Lilybaeum, which is considerably farther west than Pelorias, should itself also be made to slant considerably from its southernmost point {93} towards the west, and should face at the same time towards the east and towards the south, {94} one part being washed by the Sicilian Sea and the other by the Libyan Sea that reaches from Carthaginia to the Syrtes. The shortest passage from Lilybaeum across to Libya in neighborhood of Carthage is one thousand five hundred stadia; {95} and on this passage, it is said, some man of sharp vision, from a look-out, used to report to the men in Lilybaeum the number of ships that were putting to sea from Carthage. {96} Again, the side that extends from Lilybaeum to Pelorias necessarily slants towards the east, and faces towards the region that is between the west and the north, {97} having Italy on the north and on the west the Tyrrhenian Sea and the Islands of Aeolus.

81. South-west.

82. C. Müller (see Map V at the end of the Loeb volume) assumes that Strabo exchanged the Chorographer's distances between (1) Alaesa and Cephaloedium, and (2) Cephaloedium and the River Himera (see C. Müller, Ind. Var. Lect., p. 977).

83. In Latin, Emporium Segestanorum.

84. In Latin, Emporium Agrigentinorum.

85. This distance is in fact more than sixty miles. C. Müller assumes in the Map (l.c.) that the copyist left out the interval from Emporium to Gela and put down an extra distance of twenty miles therefor. But elsewhere (Ind. Var. Lect., l.c.), he believes (more plausibly) that two intervals were omitted and assigns twenty stadia to each, viz., Emporium to the Harbor of Phintias, and thence to Calvisiana.

86. Note in connection with the next sentence that the text does not give the distance from Messene to Pelorias, which is about nine miles.

87. On the "climata" (belts of latitude), see Strab. 1.1.12 and footnote 2.

88. Though the works of Poseidonius are lost, it is obvious that he properly fixed the position of the three vertices of the triangle according to the method of his time by the "climata," i.e., he fixed their north-and-south positions (cp. "latitude") and their east-and-west position (cp. "longitude"). Strabo rightly, but rather captiously, remarks that Poseidonius cannot by means of the "climata" mark off the boundaries of Sicily, since the triangle is merely inscribed in the parallelogram and no side of it coincides with any side of the parallelogram; in other words, the result of Poseidonius is too indefinite.

89. That is, will point.

90. South-east.

91. In the Peloponnesus; now the Ruphis.

92. Cape Matapan.

93. i.e., of the side; hence from Pachynus.

94. That is, a line at right angles to the side would point south-east.

95. Cp. Strab. 17.3.16.

96. Lilybaeum when held by the Carthaginians (250 B.C.) was besieged by the Romans. Pliny 7.21 says that Varro gave the man's name as Strabo; and quotes Cicero as authority for the tradition that the man was wont, in the Punic War, looking from the Lilybaean promontory, a distance of 135 miles, to tell the number of ships that put out from the harbor of Carthage. But, assuming the possibility of seeing small ships at a distance of 135 miles, the observer would have to be at an altitude of a little more than two miles!

97. That is, a line at right angles to the side point towards the north-west.

 

006.002.002

 πόλεις δ' εἰσὶ κατὰ μὲν τὸ πλευρὸν τὸ ποιοῦν τὸν πορθμὸν Μεσσήνη πρῶτον, ἔπειτα Ταυρομένιον καὶ Κατάνη καὶ Συρακοῦσσαι· αἱ δὲ μεταξὺ Κατάνης καὶ Συρακουσσῶν ἐκλελοίπασι, Νάξος καὶ Μέγαρα, ὅπου καὶ αἱ τῶν ποταμῶν ἐκβολαὶ Συμαίθου καὶ πάντων καταρρεόντων ἐκ τῆς Αἴτνης εἰς εὐλίμενα στόματα· ἐνταῦθα δὲ καὶ τὸ τῆς Ξιφωνίας ἀκρωτήριον. φησὶ δὲ ταύτας Ἔφορος πρώτας κτισθῆναι πόλεις Ἑλληνίδας ἐν Σικελίᾳ δεκάτῃ γενεᾷ μετὰ τὰ Τρωικά· τοὺς γὰρ πρότερον δεδιέναι τὰ λῃστήρια τῶν Τυρρηνῶν καὶ τὴν ὠμότητα τῶν ταύτῃ βαρβάρων, ὥστε μηδὲ κατ' ἐμπορίαν πλεῖν. Θεοκλέα δ' Ἀθηναῖον παρενεχθέντα ἀνέμοις εἰς τὴν Σικελίαν κατανοῆσαι τήν τε οὐδένειαν τῶν ἀνθρώπων καὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν τῆς γῆς, ἐπανελθόντα δὲ Ἀθηναίους μὲν μὴ πεῖσαι, Χαλκιδέας δὲ τοὺς ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ συχνοὺς παραλαβόντα καὶ τῶν Ἰώνων τινάς, ἔτι δὲ Δωριέων, ὧν οἱ πλείους ἦσαν Μεγαρεῖς, πλεῦσαι· τοὺς μὲν οὖν Χαλκιδέας κτίσαι Νάξον τοὺς δὲ Δωριέας Μέγαρα τὴν Ὕβλαν πρότερον καλουμένην. αἱ μὲν οὖν πόλεις οὐκέτ' εἰσί, τὸ δὲ τῆς Ὕβλης ὄνομα συμμένει διὰ τὴν ἀρετὴν τοῦ Ὑβλαίου μέλιτος.

The cities along the side that forms the Strait are, first, Messene, and then Tauromenium, Catana, and Syracuse; but those that were between Catana and Syracuse have disappeared--Naxus {98} and Megara; {99} and on this coast are the outlets of the Symaethus and all rivers that flow down from Aetna and have good harbors at their mouths; and here too is the promontory of Xiphonia. According to Ephorus these were the earliest Greek cities to be founded in Sicily, that is, in the tenth generation after the Trojan war; for before that time men were so afraid of the bands of Tyrrhenian pirates and the savagery of the barbarians in this region that they would not so much as sail thither for trafficking; but though Theocles, the Athenian, borne out of his course by the winds to Sicily, clearly perceived both the weakness of the peoples and the excellence of the soil, yet, when he went back, he could not persuade the Athenians, and hence took as partners a considerable number of Euboean Chalcidians and some Ionians and also some Dorians (most of whom were Megarians) and made the voyage; so the Chalcidians founded Naxus, whereas the Dorians founded Megara, which in earlier times had been called Hybla. The cities no longer exist, it is true, but the name of Hybla still endures, because of the excellence of the Hyblaean honey.

98. Founded about 734 B.C. and destroyed by Dionysius in 403 B.C. (see Diod. Sic. 14.14), but it is placed by the commentators and maps between Tauromenium and Catana.

99. Founded about the same time as Naxus and destroyed about 214 B.C.

 

006.002.003

 τῶν δὲ συμμενουσῶν κατὰ τὸ λεχθὲν πλευρὸν πόλεων ἡ μὲν Μεσσήνη τῆς Πελωριάδος ἐν κόλπῳ κεῖται, καμπτομένης ἐπὶ πολὺ πρὸς ἕω καὶ μασχάλην τινὰ ποιούσης· ἀπέχει δὲ τοῦ μὲν Ῥηγίου δίαρμα ἑξηκονταστάδιον, τῆς δὲ στυλίδος πολὺ ἔλαττον. κτίσμα δ' ἐστὶ Μεσσηνίων τῶν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ, παρ' ὧν τοὔνομα μετήλλαξε καλουμένη Ζάγκλη πρότερον διὰ τὴν σκολιότητα τῶν τόπων ζάγκλον γὰρ ἐκαλεῖτο τὸ σκολιόν , Ναξίων οὖσα πρότερον κτίσμα τῶν πρὸς Κατάνην· ἐπῴκησαν δ' ὕστερον Μαμερτῖνοι Καμπανῶν τι φῦλον. ἐχρήσαντο δ' ὁρμητηρίῳ Ῥωμαῖοι πρὸς τὸν Σικελικὸν πόλεμον τὸν πρὸς Καρχηδονίους, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα Πομπήιος ὁ Σέξτος ἐνταῦθα συνεῖχε τὸ ναυτικὸν πολεμῶν πρὸς τὸν Σεβαστὸν Καίσαρα· ἐντεῦθεν δὲ καὶ τὴν φυγὴν ἐποιήσατο ἐκπεσὼν ἐκ τῆς νήσου. δείκνυται δὲ καὶ ἡ Χάρυβδις μικρὸν πρὸ τῆς πόλεως ἐν τῷ πόρῳ, βάθος ἐξαίσιον, εἰς ὃ αἱ παλίρροιαι τοῦ πορθμοῦ κατάγουσι φυσικῶς τὰ σκάφη τραχηλιζόμενα μετὰ συστροφῆς καὶ δίνης μεγάλης· καταποθέντων δὲ καὶ διαλυθέντων τὰ ναυάγια παρασύρεται πρὸς ᾐόνα τῆς Ταυρομενίας, ἣν καλοῦσιν ἀπὸ τοῦ συμπτώματος τούτου Κοπρίαν. τοσοῦτον δ' ἐπεκράτησαν οἱ Μαμερτῖνοι παρὰ τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις ὥστ' ἐπ' ἐκείνοις ὑπῆρξεν ἡ πόλις, καλοῦσί τε Μαμερτίνους μᾶλλον ἅπαντες αὐτοὺς ἢ Μεσσηνίους, εὐοίνου τε σφόδρα τῆς χώρας οὔσης οὐ Μεσσήνιον καλοῦσι τὸν οἶνον ἀλλὰ Μαμερτῖνον, τοῖς ἀρίστοις ἐνάμιλλον ὄντα τῶν Ἰταλικῶν. οἰκεῖται δ' ἱκανῶς ἡ πόλις, μᾶλλον δὲ Κατάνη· καὶ γὰρ οἰκήτορας δέδεκται Ῥωμαίους· ἧττον δ' ἀμφοῖν τὸ Ταυρομένιον. καὶ Κατάνη δ' ἐστὶ Ναξίων τῶν αὐτῶν κτίσμα, Ταυρομένιον δὲ τῶν ἐν Ὕβλῃ Ζαγκλαίων· ἀπέβαλε δὲ τοὺς οἰκήτορας τοὺς ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἡ Κατάνη, κατοικίσαντος ἑτέρους Ἱέρωνος τοῦ Συρακουσσίων τυράννου καὶ προσαγορεύσαντος αὐτὴν Αἴτνην ἀντὶ Κατάνης. ταύτης δὲ καὶ Πίνδαρος κτίστορα λέγει αὐτὸν ὅταν φῇ

ξύνες ὅ τοι λέγω, ζαθέων ἱερῶν ὁμώνυμε πάτερ, κτίστορ Αἴτνας.  

μετὰ δὲ τὴν τελευτὴν τοῦ Ἱέρωνος κατελθόντες οἱ Καταναῖοι τούς τε ἐνοίκους ἐξέβαλον καὶ τὸν τάφον ἀνέσκαψαν τοῦ τυράννου. οἱ δὲ Αἰτναῖοι παραχωρήσαντες τὴν Ἴννησαν καλουμένην τῆς Αἴτνης ὀρεινὴν ᾤκησαν καὶ προσηγόρευσαν τὸ χωρίον Αἴτνην διέχον τῆς Κατάνης σταδίους ὀγδοήκοντα, καὶ τὸν Ἱέρωνα οἰκιστὴν ἀπέφηναν. ὑπέρκειται δὲ μάλιστα τῆς Κατάνης ἡ Αἴτνη καὶ τῶν περὶ τοὺς κρατῆρας παθῶν πλεῖστον κοινωνεῖ· καὶ γὰρ οἱ ῥύακες εἰς τὴν Καταναίαν ἐγγυτάτω καταφέρονται, καὶ τὰ περὶ τοὺς εὐσεβεῖς ἐκεῖ τεθρύληται τὸν Ἀμφίνομον καὶ τὸν Ἀναπίαν, οἳ τοὺς γονέας ἐπὶ τῶν ὤμων ἀράμενοι διέσωσαν ἐπιφερομένου τοῦ κακοῦ. ὅταν δ', ὁ Ποσειδώνἷός φἧσἶ, γίνηται τὰ περὶ τὸ ὄρος, κατατεφροῦται πολλῷ βάθει τὰ Καταναίων χωρία· ἡ μὲν οὖν σποδὸς λυπήσασα πρὸς καιρὸν εὐεργετεῖ τὴν χώραν χρόνοις ὕστερον· εὐάμπελον γὰρ παρέχεται καὶ χρηστόκαρπον, τῆς ἄλλης οὐχ ὁμοίως οὔσης εὐοίνου· τάς τε ῥίζας, ἃς ἐκφέρει τὰ κατατεφρωθέντα χωρία, πιαίνειν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον τὰ πρόβατά φασιν ὥστε πνίγεσθαι· διόπερ ἐκ τῶν ὤτων ἀφαιροῦσιν αἷμα δι' ἡμερῶν τεττάρων ἢ πέντε, καθάπερ τοῦτο καὶ κατὰ τὴν Ἐρύθειαν συμβαῖνον εἰρήκαμεν. ὁ δὲ ῥύαξ εἰς πῆξιν μεταβάλλων ἀπολιθοῖ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν τῆς γῆς ἐφ' ἱκανὸν βάθος, ὥστε λατομίας εἶναι χρείαν τοῖς ἀνακαλύψαι βουλομένοις τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐπιφάνειαν. τακείσης γὰρ ἐν τοῖς κρατῆρσι τῆς πέτρας, εἶτ' ἀναβληθείσης, τὸ ὑπερχυθὲν τῆς κορυφῆς ὑγρὸν πηλός ἐστι μέλας ῥέων κατὰ τῆς ὀρεινῆς· εἶτα πῆξιν λαβὼν γίνεται λίθος μυλίας τὴν αὐτὴν φυλάττων χρόαν ἣν ῥέων εἶχε. καὶ ἡ σποδὸς δὲ καιομένων τῶν λίθων ὡς ἀπὸ τῶν ξύλων γίνεται· καθάπερ οὖν τὸ πήγανον τῇ ξυλίνῃ σποδῷ τρέφεται, τοιοῦτον ἔχειν τι οἰκείωμα πρὸς τὴν ἄμπελον εἰκὸς τὴν Αἰτναίαν σποδόν.

As for the cities that still endure along the aforementioned side: Messene is situated in a gulf of Pelorias, which bends considerably towards the east and forms an armpit, so to speak; but though the distance across to Messene from Rhegium is only sixty stadia, it is much less from Columna. Messene was founded by the Messenians of the Peloponnesus, who named it after themselves, changing its name; for formerly it was called Zancle, on account of the crookedness of the coast (anything crooked was called "zanclion"), {100} having been founded formerly by the Naxians who lived near Catana. But the Mamertini, a tribe of the Campani, joined the colony later on. Now the Romans used it as a base of operations for their Sicilian war against the Carthaginians; and afterwards Pompeius Sextus,when at war with Augustus Caesar, kept his fleet together there, and when ejected from the island also made his escape thence. And in the ship-channel, only a short distance off the city, is to be seem Charybdis, {101} a monstrous deep, into which the ships are easily drawn by the refluent currents of the strait and plunged prow-foremost along with a mighty eddying of the whirlpool; and when the ships are gulped down and broken to pieces, the wreckage is swept along to the Tauromenian shore, which, from this occurrence, is called Copria. {102} The Mamertini prevailed to such an extent among the Messenii that they got control of the city; and the people are by all called mamertini rather than Messenii; and further, since the country is exceedingly productive of wine, the wine is called, not Messenian, but Mamertine, and it rivals the best of the Italian wines. The city is fairly populous, though Catana is still more so, and in fact has received Romans as inhabitants; but Tauromenium is less populous than either. Catana, moreover, was founded by the same Naxians, whereas Tauromenium was founded by the Zanclaeans of Hybla; but Catana lost its original inhabitants when Hiero, tyrant of Syracuse, established a different set of colonists there and called it Aetna instead of Catana. {103} And Pindar too calls him the founder of Aetna when he say: "Attend to what I say to thee, O Father, whose name is that of the holy sacrifices, {104} founder of Aetna." But at the death of Hiero {105} the Catanaeans came back, ejected the inhabitants, and demolished the tomb of the tyrant. {106} And the Aetnaeans, on withdrawing, took up their abode in a hilly district of Aetna called Innesa, and called the place, which is eighty stadia from Catana, Aetna, and declared Hiero its founder. Now the city of Aetna is situated in the interior about over Catana, and shares most in the devastation caused by the action of the craters; {107} in fact the streams of lava rush down very nearly as far as the territory of Catana; and here is the scene of the act of filial piety, so often recounted, of Amphinomus and Anapias, who lifted their parents on their shoulders and saved them from the doom that was rushing upon them. According to Poseidonius, when the mountain is in action, the fields of the Catanaeans are covered with ash-dust to a great depth. Now although the ash is an affliction at the time, it benefits the country in later times, for it renders it fertile and suited to the vine, the rest of the country not being equally productive of good wine; further, the roots produced by the fields that have been covered with ash-dust make the sheep so fat, it is said, that they choke; and this is why blood is drawn from their ears every four or five days {108} --a thing of which I have spoken before {109} as occurring near Erytheia. But when the lava changes to a solid, it turns the surface of the earth into stone to a considerable depth, so that quarrying is necessary on the part of any who wish to uncover the original surface; for when the mass of rock in the craters melts and then is thrown up, the liquid that is poured out over the top is black mud and flows down the mountain, and then, solidifying, becomes millstone, keeping the same color it had when in a liquid state. And ash is also produced when the stones are burnt, as from wood; therefore, just as wood-ashes nourish rue, so the ashes of Aetna, it is reasonable to suppose, have some quality that is peculiarly suited to the vine.

100. The noun "zanclon" (corresponding to the adjective "zanclion") was a native Sicilian word, according to Thuc. 6.4.

101. Cp. 1. 2. 36.

102. "Dunghill."

103. 476 B.C.

104. The Greek here for "sacrifices" is "hieron."

105. 467 B.C.

106. 461 B.C.

107. Groskurd, Müller-Dübner, Forbiger, Tardieu, and Tozer (Selections, p. 174) supply as subject of "shares" a pronoun referring to Catana, assuming that Aetna, the subject of the sentence, is the mountain, not the city.

108. One of the later manuscripts reads "forty or fifty days."

109. 3. 5. 4. (q.v.).

 

006.002.004

 τὰς δὲ Συρακούσσας Ἀρχίας μὲν ἔκτισεν ἐκ Κορίνθου πλεύσας περὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους οἷς ᾠκίσθησαν ἥ τε Νάξος καὶ τὰ Μέγαρα. ἅμα δὲ Μύσκελλόν τέ φασιν εἰς Δελφοὺς ἐλθεῖν καὶ τὸν Ἀρχίαν· χρηστηριαζομένων δ' ἐρέσθαι τὸν θεόν, πότερον αἱροῦνται πλοῦτον ἢ ὑγίειαν· τὸν μὲν οὖν Ἀρχίαν ἑλέσθαι τὸν πλοῦτον, Μύσκελλον δὲ τὴν ὑγίειαν· τῷ μὲν δὴ Συρακούσσας δοῦναι κτίζειν τῷ δὲ Κρότωνα. καὶ δὴ συμβῆναι Κροτωνιάτας μὲν οὕτως ὑγιεινὴν οἰκῆσαι πόλιν ὥσπερ εἰρήκαμεν, Συρακούσσας δὲ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐκπεσεῖν πλοῦτον ὥστε καὶ αὐτοὺς ἐν παροιμίᾳ διαδοθῆναι, λεγόντων πρὸς τοὺς ἄγαν πολυτελεῖς ὡς οὐκ ἂν ἑξικνοῖτο αὐτοῖς ἡ Συρακουσσίων δεκάτη. πλέοντα δὲ τὸν Ἀρχίαν εἰς τὴν Σικελίαν καταλιπεῖν μετὰ μέρους τῆς στρατιᾶς τοῦ τῶν Ἡρακλειδῶν γένους Χερσικράτη συνοικιοῦντα τὴν νῦν Κέρκυραν καλουμένην, πρότερον δὲ Σχερίαν. ἐκεῖνον μὲν οὖν ἐκβαλόντα Λιβυρνοὺς κατέχοντας οἰκίσαι τὴν νῆσον, τὸν δ' Ἀρχίαν κατασχόντα πρὸς τὸ Ζεφύριον τῶν Δωριέων εὑρόντα τινὰς δεῦρο ἀφιγμένους ἐκ τῆς Σικελίας παρὰ τῶν τὰ Μέγαρα κτισάντων ἀναλαβεῖν αὐτούς, καὶ κοινῇ μετ' αὐτῶν κτίσαι τὰς Συρακούσσας. ηὐξήθη δὲ καὶ διὰ τὴν τῆς χώρας εὐδαιμονίαν ἡ πόλις καὶ διὰ τὴν τῶν λιμένων εὐφυΐαν. οἵ τε ἄνδρες ἡγεμονικοὶ κατέστησαν, καὶ συνέβη Συρακουσσίοις τυραννουμένοις τε δεσπόζειν τῶν ἄλλων καὶ ἐλευθερωθεῖσιν ἐλευθεροῦν τοὺς ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων καταδυναστευομένους. ἦσαν γὰρ τῶν βαρβάρων οἱ μὲν ἔνοικοι, τινὲς δ' ἐκ τῆς περαίας ἐπῄεσαν, οὐδένα δὲ τῆς παραλίας εἴων οἱ Ἕλληνες ἅπτεσθαι, τῆς δὲ μεσογαίας ἀπείργειν παντάπασιν οὐκ ἴσχυον, ἀλλὰ διετέλεσαν μέχρι δεῦρο Σικελοὶ καὶ Σικανοὶ καὶ Μόργητες καὶ ἄλλοι τινὲς νεμόμενοι τὴν νῆσον, ὧν ἦσαν καὶ Ἴβηρες, οὕσπερ πρώτους φησὶ τῶν βαρβάρων Ἔφορος λέγεσθαι τῆς Σικελίας οἰκιστάς. καὶ τὸ Μοργάντιον δὲ εἰκὸς ὑπὸ τῶν Μοργήτων ᾠκίσθαι· πόλις δ' ἦν αὕτη, νῦν δ' οὐκ ἔστιν. ἐπελθόντες δὲ Καρχηδόνιοι καὶ τούτους οὐκ ἐπαύσαντο κακοῦντες καὶ τοὺς Ἕλληνας, ἀντεῖχον δ' ὅμως οἱ Συρακούσσιοι. Ῥωμαῖοι δ' ὕστερον καὶ τοὺς Καρχηδονίους ἐξέβαλον καὶ τὰς Συρακούσσας ἐκ πολιορκίας εἷλον. ἐφ' ἡμῶν δὲ Πομπηίου τάς τε ἄλλας κακώσαντος πόλεις καὶ δὴ καὶ τὰς Συρακούσσας, πέμψας ἀποικίαν ὁ Σεβαστὸς Καῖσαρ πολὺ μέρος τοῦ παλαιοῦ κτίσματος ἀνέλαβε. πεντάπολις γὰρ ἦν τὸ παλαιὸν ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν σταδίων ἔχουσα τὸ τεῖχος. ἅπαντα μὲν δὴ τὸν κύκλον τοῦτον ἐκπληροῦν οὐδὲν ἔδει, τὸ δὲ συνοικούμενον τὸ πρὸς τῇ νήσῳ τῇ Ὀρτυγίᾳ μέρος ᾠήθη δεῖν οἰκίσαι βέλτιον, ἀξιολόγου πόλεως ἔχον περίμετρον· ἡ δ' Ὀρτυγία συνάπτει γεφύρᾳ πρὸς τὴν ἤπειρον ὁμοῤοῦσα, κρήνην δ' ἔχει τὴν Ἀρέθουσαν ἐξιεῖσαν ποταμὸν εὐθὺς εἰς τὴν θάλατταν. μυθεύουσι δὲ τὸν Ἀλφειὸν εἶναι τοῦτον, ἀρχόμενον μὲν ἐκ τῆς Πελοποννήσου, διὰ δὲ τοῦ πελάγους ὑπὸ γῆς τὸ ῥεῖθρον ἔχοντα μέχρι πρὸς τὴν Ἀρέθουσαν, εἶτ' ἐκδιδόντα ἐνθένδε πάλιν εἰς τὴν θάλατταν. τεκμηριοῦνται δὲ τοιούτοις τισί· καὶ γὰρ φιάλην τινὰ ἐκπεσοῦσαν εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν ἐνόμισαν ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ δεῦρο ἀνενεχθῆναι εἰς τὴν κρήνην, καὶ θολοῦσθαι ἀπὸ τῶν ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ βουθυσιῶν. ὅ τε Πίνδαρος ἐπακολουθῶν τούτοις εἴρηκε τάδε

ἄμπνευμα σεμνὸν Ἀλφεοῦ, κλεινᾶν Συρακοσσᾶν θάλος, Ὀρτυγία. 

συναποφαίνεται δὲ τῷ Πινδάρῳ ταὐτὰ καὶ Τίμαιος ὁ συγγραφεύς. εἰ μὲν οὖν πρὸ τοῦ συνάψαι τῇ θαλάττῃ κατέπιπτεν ὁ Ἀλφειὸς εἴς τι βάραθρον, ἦν τις ἂν πιθανότης ἐντεῦθεν διήκειν κατὰ γῆς ῥεῖθρον μέχρι τῆς Σικελίας ἀμιγὲς τῇ θαλάττῃ διασῶζον τὸ πότιμον ὕδωρ· ἐπειδὴ δὲ τὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ στόμα φανερόν ἐστιν εἰς τὴν θάλατταν ἐκδιδόν, ἐγγὺς δὲ μηδὲν ἐν τῷ πόρῳ τῆς θαλάττης φαινόμενον στόμα τὸ καταπῖνον τὸ ῥεῦμα τοῦ ποταμοῦ, καίπερ οὐδ' οὕτως ἂν συμμείναι γλυκύ, παντάπασιν ἀμήχανόν ἐστι. τό τε γὰρ τῆς Ἀρεθούσης ὕδωρ ἀντιμαρτυρεῖ πότιμον ὄν· τό τε διὰ τοσούτου πόρου συμμένειν τὸ ῥεῦμα τοῦ ποταμοῦ μὴ διαχεόμενον τῇ θαλάττῃ, μέχρι ἂν εἰς τὸ πεπλασμένον ῥεῖθρον ἐμπέσῃ, παντελῶς μυθῶδες. μόλις γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῦ Ῥοδανοῦ τοῦτο πιστεύομεν, ᾧ συμμένει τὸ ῥεῦμα διὰ λίμνης ἰόν, ὁρατὴν σῶζον τὴν ῥύσιν· ἀλλ' ἐκεῖ μὲν καὶ βραχὺ διάστημα καὶ οὐ κυμαινούσης τῆς λίμνης, ἐνταῦθα δέ, ὅπου χειμῶνες ἐξαίσιοι καὶ κλυδασμοί, πιθανότητος οὐδεμιᾶς οἰκεῖος ὁ λόγος. ἐπιτείνει δὲ τὸ ψεῦδος ἡ φιάλη παρατεθεῖσα· οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτὴ ῥεύματι εὐπειθής, οὐχ ὅτι τῷ τοσούτῳ τε καὶ διὰ τοιούτων πόρων φερομένῳ. φέρονται δ' ὑπὸ γῆς ποταμοὶ πολλοὶ καὶ πολλαχοῦ τῆς γῆς, ἀλλ' οὐκ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον διάστημα· εἰ δὲ τοῦτο δυνατόν, τά γε προειρημένα ἀδύνατα καὶ τῷ περὶ τοῦ Ἰνάχου μύθῳ παραπλήσια·

ῥεῖ γὰρ ἀπ' ἄκρας Πίνδου

φησὶν ὁ Σοφοκλῆς

Λάκμου τ' ἀπὸ Περραιβῶν εἰς Ἀμφιλόχους καὶ Ἀκαρνᾶνας, μίσγει δ' ὕδασιν τοῖς Ἀχελώου.

καὶ ὑποβὰς

ἔνθενδ' ἐς Ἄργος διὰ κῦμα τεμὼν ἥκει δῆμον τὸν Λυρκείου. 

βελτίων δ' Ἑκαταῖος, ὅς φησι τὸν ἐν τοῖς Ἀμφιλόχοις Ἴναχον ἐκ τοῦ Λακμοῦ ῥέοντα, ἐξ οὗ καὶ ὁ Αἴας ῥεῖ, ἕτερον εἶναι τοῦ Ἀργολικοῦ, ὠνομάσθαι δ' ὑπὸ Ἀμφιλόχου τοῦ καὶ τὴν πόλιν Ἄργος Ἀμφιλοχικὸν καλέσαντος· τοῦτον μὲν οὖν οὗτός φησιν εἰς τὸν Ἀχελῶον ἐκβάλλειν, τὸν δὲ Αἴαντα εἰς Ἀπολλωνίαν πρὸς δύσιν ῥεῖν. ἑκατέρωθεν δὲ τῆς νήσου λιμήν ἐστι μέγας, ὧν ὁ μείζων καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα σταδίων ἐστί. ταύτην δὲ τὴν πόλιν ἀνέλαβεν ὁ Καῖσαρ καὶ τὴν Κατάνην, ὡς δ' αὕτως Κεντόριπα συμβαλομένην πολλὰ πρὸς τὴν Πομπηίου κατάλυσιν. κεῖται δ' ὑπὲρ Κατάνης τὰ Κεντόριπα συνάπτοντα τοῖς Αἰτναίοις ὄρεσι καὶ τῷ Συμαίθῳ ποταμῷ ῥέοντι εἰς τὴν Καταναίαν.

Syracuse was founded by Archias, who sailed from Corinth about the same time that Naxus and Megara were colonized. It is said that Archias went to Delphi at the same time as Myscellus, and when they were consulting the oracle, the god asked them whether they chose wealth or health; now Archias chose wealth, and Myscellus {110} health; accordingly, the god granted to the former to found Syracuse, and to the latter Croton. And it actually came to pass that the Crotoniates took up their abode in a city that was exceedingly healthful, as I have related, {111} and that Syracuse fell into such exceptional wealth that the name of the Syracusans was spread abroad in a proverb applied to the excessively extravagant--"the tithe of the Syracusans would not be sufficient for them." And when Archias, the story continues, was on his voyage to Sicily, he left Chersicrates, of the race of the Heracleidae, with a part of the expedition to help colonize what is now called Corcyra, but was formerly called Scheria; Chersicrates, however, ejected the Liburnians, who held possession of the island, and colonized it with new settlers, whereas Archias landed at Zephyrium, {112} found that some Dorians who had quit the company of the founders of Megara and were on their way back home had arrived there from Sicily, took them up and in common with them founded Syracuse. And the city grew, both on account of the fertility of the soil and on account of the natural excellence of its harbors. Furthermore, the men of Syracuse proved to have the gift of leadership, with the result that when the Syracusans were ruled by tyrants they lorded it over the rest, and when set free themselves they set free those who were oppressed by the barbarians. As for these barbarians, some were native inhabitants, whereas others came over from the mainland. The Greeks would permit none of them to lay hold of the seaboard, but were not strong enough to keep them altogether away from the interior; indeed, to this day the Siceli, the Sicani, the Morgetes, and certain others have continued to live in the island, among whom there used to be Iberians, who, according to Ephorus, were said to be the first barbarian settlers of Sicily. Morgantium, it is reasonable to suppose, was settled by the Morgetes; it used to be a city, but now it does not exist. When the Carthaginians came over they did not cease to abuse both these people and the Greeks, but the Syracusans nevertheless held out. But the Romans later on ejected the Carthaginians and took Syracuse by siege. And in our own time, because Pompeius abused, not only the other cities, but Syracuse in particular, Augustus Caesar sent a colony and restored a considerable part of the old settlement; for in olden times it was a city of five towns, {113} with a wall of one hundred and eighty stadia. Now it was not at all necessary to fill out the whole of this circuit, but it was necessary, he thought, to build up in a better way only the part that was settled--the part adjacent to the Island of Ortygia which had a sufficient circuit to make a notable city. Ortygia is connected with the mainland, near which it lies, by a bridge, and has the fountain of Arethusa, which sends forth a river that empties immediately into the sea.People tell the mythical story that the river Arethusa is the Alpheius, which latter, they say, rises in the Peloponnesus, flows underground through the sea as far as Arethusa, and then empties thence once more into the sea. And the kind of evidence they adduce is as follows: a certain cup, they think, was thrown out into the river at Olympia and was discharged into the fountain; and again, the fountain was discolored as the result of the sacrifices of oxen at Olympia. Pindar follows these reports when he says: "O resting-place {114} august of Alpheius, Ortygia, {115} scion of famous Syracuse." And in agreement with Pindar Timaeus the historian also declares the same thing. Now if the Alpheius fell into a pit before joining the sea, there would be some plausibility in the view that the stream extends underground from Olympia as far as Sicily, thereby preserving its potable water unmixed with the sea; but since the mouth of the river empties into the sea in full view, and since near this mouth, on the transit, there is no mouth {116} visible that swallows up the stream of the river (though even so the water could not remain fresh; yet it might, the greater part of it at least, if it sank into the underground channel), {117} the thing is absolutely impossible. For the water of Arethusa bears testimony against it, since it is potable; and that the stream of the river should hold together through so long a transit without being diffused with the seawater, that is, until it falls into the fancied underground passage, is utterly mythical. Indeed, we can scarcely believe this in the case of the Rhodanus, although its stream does hold together when it passes through a lake, {118} keeping its course visible; in this case, however, the distance is short and the lake does not rise in waves, whereas in case of the sea in question, where there are prodigious storms and surging waves, the tale is foreign to all plausibility. And the citing of the story of the cup only magnifies the falsehood, for a cup does not of itself readily follow the current of any stream, to say nothing of a stream that flows so great a distance and through such passages.Now there are many rivers in many parts of the world that flow underground, but not for such a distance; and even if this is possible, the stories aforesaid, at least, are impossible, and those concerning the river Inachus are like a myth: "For it flows from the heights of Pindus," says Sophocles, "and from Lacmus, {119} from the land of the Perrhaebians, into the lands of the Amphilochians and Acarnanians, and mingles with the waters of Acheloüs," and, a little below, he adds, "whence it cleaves the waves to Argos and comes to the people of Lyrceium." Marvellous tales of this sort are stretched still further by those who make the Inopus cross over from the Nile to Delos. And Zoïlus {120} the rhetorician says in his Eulogy of the Tenedians that the Alpheius rises in Tenedos--the man who finds fault with Homer as a writer of myths! And Ibycus says that the Asopus in Sicyon rises in Phrygia. But the statement of Hecataeus is better, when he says that the lnachus among the Amphilochians, which flows from Lacmus, as does also the Aeas, is different from the river of Argos, and that it was named by Amphilochus, the man who called the city Argos Amphilochicum. {121} Now Hecataeus says that this river does empty into the Acheloüs, but that the Aeas {122} flows towards the west into Apollonia.On either side of the island of Ortygia is a large harbor; the larger of the two is eighty stadia in circuit. Caesar restored this city and also Catana; and so, in the same way, Centoripa, because it contributed much to the overthrow of Pompeius. Centoripa lies above Catana, bordering on the Aetnaean mountains, and on the Symaethus River, which flows into the territory of Catana.

110. See 6. 1. 12.

111. 6. 1. 12.

112. Cape Bruzzano.

113. Nesos (the island Ortygia), Achradine, Tyche, Epipolai, and Neapolis.

114. Or more literally, "place to breathe again."

115. Pind. Nem. 1.1-2. Pindar further characterizes Ortygia (line 3) as "the bed of Artemis."

116. That is, whirlpool.

117. The last clause is suspected; see critical note.

118. Lake Lemenna, now the Lake of Geneva (see 4. 1. 11 and 4. 6. 6).

119. More often spelled Lacmon; one of the heights of Pindus.

120. Zoïlus (about 400-320 B.C.), the grammarian and rhetorician, of Amphipolis in Macedonia, is chiefly known for the bitterness of his attacks on Homer, which gained him the surname of "Homeromastix" ("scourge of Homer").

121. Cp. 7. 7. 7.

122. Cp. 7. 5. 8.

 

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 τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν τῆς Σικελίας πλευρῶν ἡ μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ Παχύνου πρὸς Λιλύβαιον διήκουσα ἐκλέλειπται τελέως, ἴχνη τινὰ σώζουσα τῶν ἀρχαίων κατοικιῶν, ὧν ἦν καὶ Καμάρινα ἄποικος Συρακουσίων· Ἀκράγας δὲ Γελῴων οὖσα καὶ τὸ ἐπίνειον καὶ Λιλύβαιον ἔτι συμμένει. τῇ γὰρ Καρχηδονίᾳ τούτων μάλιστα ὑποπιπτόντων τῶν μερῶν, μακροὶ καὶ συνεχεῖς οἱ πόλεμοι γενόμενοι τὰ πολλὰ κατέφθειραν. ἡ δὲ λοιπὴ καὶ μεγίστη πλευρά, καίπερ οὐδ' αὐτὴ πολυάνθρωπος οὖσα ὅμως ἱκανῶς συνοικεῖται. καὶ γὰρ Ἄλαισα καὶ Τυνδαρὶς καὶ τὸ τῶν Αἰγεσταίων ἐμπόριον καὶ Κεφαλοιδὶς πολίσματά ἐστι· Πάνορμος δὲ καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἔχει κατοικίαν. τὴν δὲ Αἰγεσταίαν κτισθῆναί φασιν ὑπὸ τῶν μετὰ Φιλοκτήτου διαβάντων εἰς τὴν Κροτωνιᾶτιν, καθάπερ ἐν τοῖς Ἰταλικοῖς εἴρηται, παρ' αὐτοῦ σταλέντων εἰς τὴν Σικελίαν μετὰ Αἰγέστου τοῦ Τρωός. οἰκεῖται δὲ καὶ ὁ Ἔρυξ λόφος ὑψηλός, ἱερὸν ἔχων Ἀφροδίτης τιμώμενον διαφερόντως ἱεροδούλων γυναικῶν πλῆρες τὸ παλαιόν, ἃς ἀνέθεσαν κατ' εὐχὴν οἵ τ' ἐκ τῆς Σικελίας καὶ ἔξωθεν πολλοί· νυνὶ δ' ὥσπερ αὐτὴ ἡ κατοικία λιπανδρεῖ καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν σωμάτων ἐκλέλοιπε τὸ πλῆθος. ἀφίδρυμα δ' ἐστὶ καὶ ἐν Ῥώμῃ τῆς θεοῦ ταύτης τὸ πρὸ τῆς πύλης τῆς Κολλίνης ἱερὸν Ἀφροδίτης Ἐρυκίνης λεγόμενον, ἔχον καὶ νεὼν καὶ στοὰν περικειμένην ἀξιόλογον.

Of the remaining sides of Sicily, that which extends from Pachynus to Lilybaeum has been utterly deserted, although it preserves traces of the old settlements, among which was Camarina, a colony of the Syracusans; Acragas, however, which belongs to the Geloans, and its seaport, and also Lilybaeum still endure. For since this region was most exposed to attack on the part of Carthaginia, most of it was ruined by the long wars that arose one after another. The last and longest side is not populous either, but still it is fairly well peopled; in fact, Alaesa, Tyndaris, the Emporium of the Aegestes, and Cephaloedis {123} are all cities, and Panormus has also a Roman settlement. Aegestaea was founded, it is said, by those who crossed over with Philoctetes to the territory of Croton, as I have stated in my account of Italy; {124} they were sent to Sicily by him along with Aegestes the Trojan.

123. Another name of Cephaloedium (6. 2. 1).

124. 6. 1. 3.

 

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 ἐν δὲ τῇ μεσογαίᾳ τὴν μὲν Ἔνναν, ἐν ᾖ τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς Δήμητρος, ἔχουσιν ὀλίγοι, κειμένην ἐπὶ λόφῳ, περιειλημμένην πλατέσιν ὀροπεδίοις ἀροσίμοις πᾶσιν. ἐκάκωσαν δ' αὐτὴν μάλιστα ἐμπολιορκηθέντες οἱ περὶ Εὔνουν δραπέται καὶ μόλις ἐξαιρεθέντες ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων· ἔπαθον δὲ τὰ αὐτὰ ταῦτα καὶ Καταναῖοι καὶ Ταυρομενῖται καὶ ἄλλοι πλείους. ἡ δ' ἄλλη κατοικία καὶ τῆς μεσογαίας ποιμένων ἡ πλείστη γεγένηται· οὔτε γὰρ Ἱμέραν ἔτι συνοικουμένην ἴσμεν οὔτε Γέλαν οὔτε Καλλίπολιν οὔτε Σελινοῦντα οὔτ' Εὔβοιαν οὔτ' ἄλλας πλείους, ὧν τὴν μὲν Ἱμέραν οἱ ἐν Μυλαῖς ἔκτισαν Ζαγκλαῖοι, Γέλαν δὲ Ῥόδιοι, Καλλίπολιν δὲ Νάξιοι, Σελινοῦντα δὲ οἱ αὐτόθι Μεγαρεῖς, Εὔβοιαν δὲ οἱ Λεοντῖνοι. κεκάκωται δὲ καὶ ἡ Λεοντίνη πᾶσα, Ναξίων οὖσα καὶ αὐτὴ τῶν αὐτόθι· τῶν μὲν γὰρ ἀτυχημάτων ἐκοινώνησαν ἀεὶ τοῖς Συρακουσσίοις, τῶν δ' εὐτυχημάτων οὐκ ἀεί. καὶ τῶν βαρβαρικῶν δ' ἐξελείφθησαν πολλαί, καθάπερ οἱ Καμικοὶ τὸ Κωκάλου βασίλειον, παρ' ᾧ Μίνως δολοφονηθῆναι λέγεται. τὴν οὖν ἐρημίαν κατανοήσαντες Ῥωμαῖοι κατακτησάμενοι τά τε ὄρη καὶ τῶν πεδίων τὰ πλεῖστα ἱπποφορβοῖς καὶ βουκόλοις καὶ ποιμέσι παρέδοσαν· ὑφ' ὧν πολλάκις εἰς κινδύνους κατέστη μεγάλους ἡ νῆσος, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐπὶ λῃστείας τρεπομένων σποράδην τῶν νομέων, εἶτα καὶ κατὰ πλήθη συνισταμένων καὶ πορθούντων τὰς κατοικίας, καθάπερ ἡνίκα οἱ περὶ Εὔνουν τὴν Ἔνναν κατέσχον. νεωστὶ δ' ἐφ' ἡμῶν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἀνεπέμφθη Σέλουρός τις, Αἴτνης υἱὸς λεγόμενος, στρατιᾶς ἀφηγησάμενος καὶ λεηλασίαις πυκναῖς καταδεδραμηκὼς τὰ κύκλῳ τῆς Αἴτνης πολὺν χρόνον, ὃν ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ μονομάχων ἀγῶνος συνεστῶτος εἴδομεν διασπασθέντα ὑπὸ θηρίων· ἐπὶ πήγματος γάρ τινος ὑψηλοῦ τεθεὶς ὡς ἂν ἐπὶ τῆς Αἴτνης, διαλυθέντος αἰφνιδίως καὶ συμπεσόντος κατηνέχθη καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς γαλεάγρας θηρίων εὐδιαλύτους ἐπίτηδες παρεσκευασμένας ὑπὸ τῷ πήγματι.

In the interior is Enna, where is the temple of Demeter, with only a few inhabitants; it is situated on a hill, and is wholly surrounded by broad plateaus that are tillable. It suffered most at the hands of Eunus {125} and his runaway slaves, who were besieged there and only with difficulty were dislodged by the Romans. The inhabitants of Catana and Tauromenium and also several other peoples suffered this same fate.Eryx, a lofty hill, {126} is also inhabited. It has a temple of Aphrodite that is held in exceptional honor, and in early times was full of female temple-slaves, who had been dedicated in fulfillment of vows not only by the people of Sicily but also by many people from abroad; but at the present time, just as the settlement itself, {127} so the temple is in want of men, and the multitude of temple-slaves has disappeared. In Rome, also, there is a reproduction of this goddess, I mean the temple before the Colline Gate {128} which is called that of Venus Erycina and is remarkable for its shrine and surrounding colonnade.But the rest of the settlements {129} as well as most of the interior have come into the possession of shepherds; for I do not know of any settled population still living in either Himera, or Gela, or Callipolis or Selinus or Euboea or several other places. Of these cities Himera was founded by the Zanclaeans of Mylae, Callipolis by the Naxians, Selinus by the Megarians of the Sicilian Megara, and Euboea by the Leontines. {130} Many of the barbarian cities, also, have been wiped out; for example Camici, {131} the royal residence of Cocalus, {132} at which Minos is said to have been murdered by treachery. The Romans, therefore, taking notice that the country was deserted, took possession of the mountains and most of the plains and then gave them over to horseherds, cowherds, and shepherds; and by these herdsmen the island was many times put in great danger, because, although at first they only turned to brigandage in a sporadic way, later they both assembled in great numbers and plundered the settlements, as, for example, when Eunus and his men took possession of Enna. And recently, in my own time, a certain Selurus, called the "son of Aetna," was sent up to Rome because he had put himself at the head of an army and for a long time had overrun the regions round about Aetna with frequent raids; I saw him torn to pieces by wild beasts at an appointed combat of gladiators in the Forum; for he was placed on a lofty scaffold, as though on Aetna, and the scaffold was made suddenly to break up and collapse, and he himself was carried down with it into cages of wildbeasts--fragile cages that had been prepared beneath the scaffold for that purpose.

125. Eunus was a native of Apameia in Syria, but became a slave of a certain Antigenes at Enna, and about 136 B.C. became the leader of the Sicilian slaves in the First Servile War. For a full account of his amazing activities as juggler, diviner, leader, and self-appointed king, as also of his great following see Diod. Sic. 34.2. 5-18.

126. Now Mt. San Giuliano. But Eryx is at the north-western angle of Sicily, near the sea, not in the interior and for this reason some editors consider the passage out of place.

127. Also called Eryx. Hamilcar Barca transferred most of the inhabitants to Drepanum (at the foot of the mountain) in 260 B.C. After that time the city was of no consequence, but the sacred precinct, with its strong walls, remained a strategic position of great importance.

128. The temple of Venus Erycina on the Capitol was dedicated by Q. Fabius Maximus in 215 B.C., whereas the one here referred to, outside the Colline Gate, was dedicated by L. Portius Licinus in 181 B.C.

129. i.e., the rest of the settlements on "the remaining sides" (mentioned at the beginning of section 5), as the subsequent clause shows.

130. A number of the editors transfer to this point the sentence "The whole . . . fortunes," at the end of section 7 below.

131. Camici (or Camicus) is supposed to have been on the site of what is Camastro.

132. The mythical king who harbored Daedalus when he fled from Minos.

 

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 τὴν δὲ τῆς χώρας ἀρετὴν θρυλουμένην ὑπὸ πάντων οὐδὲν χείρω τῆς Ἰταλίας ἀποφαινομένων τί δεῖ λέγειν; σίτῳ δὲ καὶ μέλιτι καὶ κρόκῳ καὶ ἄλλοις τισὶ κἂν ἀμείνω τις φαίη. πρόσεστι δὲ καὶ τὸ ἐγγύθεν· ὡσανεὶ γὰρ μέρος τι τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐστὶν ἡ νῆσος, καὶ ὑποχορηγεῖ τῇ Ῥώμῃ καθάπερ ἐκ τῶν Ἰταλικῶν ἀγρῶν ἕκαστα εὐμαρῶς καὶ ἀταλαιπώρως. καὶ δὴ καὶ καλοῦσιν αὐτὴν ταμεῖον τῆς Ῥώμης· κομίζεται γὰρ τὰ γινόμενα πάντα πλὴν ὀλίγων τῶν αὐτόθι ἀναλισκομένων δεῦρο. ταῦτα δ' ἐστὶν οὐχ οἱ καρποὶ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ βοσκήματα καὶ δέρματα καὶ ἔρια καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα. φησὶ δ' ὁ Ποσειδώνιος οἷον ἀκροπόλεις ἐπὶ θαλάττης δύο τὰς Συρακούσσας ἱδρῦσθαι καὶ τὸν Ἔρυκα, μέσην δὲ ἀμφοῖν ὑπερκεῖσθαι τῶν κύκλῳ πεδίων τὴν Ἔνναν.

As for the fertility of the country, why should I speak of it, since it is on the lips of all men, who declare that it is no whit inferior to that of Italy? And in the matter of grain, honey, saffron, and certain other products, one might call it even superior. There is, furthermore, its propinquity; for the island is a part of Italy, as it were, and readily and without great labor supplies Rome with everything it has, as though from the fields of Italy. And in fact it is called the storehouse of Rome, for everything it produces is brought hither except a few things that are consumed at home, and not the fruits only, but also cattle, hides, wool, and the like. Poseidonius says that Syracuse and Eryx are each situated like an acropolis by the sea, whereas Enna lies midway between the two above the encircling plains.The whole of the territory of Leontini, also, which likewise belonged to the Naxians of Sicily, has been devastated; for although they always shared with the Syracusans in their misfortunes, it was not always so with their good fortunes. {133}

133. See footnote on Leontines, section 6.

 

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 πλησίον δὲ τῶν Κεντορίπων ἐστὶ πόλισμα ἡ μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν λεχθεῖσα Αἴτνη τοὺς ἀναβαίνοντας ἐπὶ τὸ ὄρος δεχομένη καὶ παραπέμπουσα· ἐντεῦθεν γὰρ ἀρχὴ τῆς ἀκρωρείας. ἔστι δὲ ψιλὰ τὰ ἄνω χωρία καὶ τεφρώδη καὶ χιόνος μεστὰ τοῦ χειμῶνος, τὰ κάτω δὲ δρυμοῖς καὶ φυτείαις διείληπται παντοδαπαῖς. ἔοικε δὲ λαμβάνειν μεταβολὰς πολλὰς τὰ ἄκρα τοῦ ὄρους διὰ τὴν νομὴν τοῦ πυρός, τοτὲ μὲν εἰς ἕνα κρατῆρα συμφερομένου τοτὲ δὲ σχιζομένου, καὶ τοτὲ μὲν ῥύακας ἀναπέμποντος τοτὲ δὲ φλόγας καὶ λιγνῦς, ἄλλοτε δὲ καὶ μύδρους ἀναφυσῶντος· ἀνάγκη δὲ τοῖς πάθεσι τούτοις τούς τε ὑπὸ γῆν πόρους συμμεταβάλλειν καὶ τὰ στόμια ἐνίοτε πλείω ὄντἆ κατὰ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν τὴν πέριξ. οἱ δ' οὖν νεωστὶ ἀναβάντες διηγοῦντο ἡμῖν ὅτι καταλάβοιεν ἄνω πεδίον ὁμαλὸν ὅσον εἴκοσι σταδίων τὴν περίμετρον, κλειόμενον ὀφρύι τεφρώδει τειχίου τὸ ὕψος ἔχοντι, ὥστε δεῖν καθάλλεσθαι τοὺς εἰς τὸ πεδίον προελθεῖν βουλομένους· ὁρᾶν τ' ἐν τῷ μέσῳ βουνὸν τεφρώδη τὴν χρόαν, οἵαπερ καὶ ἡ ἐπιφάνεια καθεωρᾶτο τοῦ πεδίου, ὑπὲρ δὲ τοῦ βουνοῦ νέφος ὄρθιον διανεστηκὸς εἰς ὕψος ὅσον διακοσίων ποδῶν ἠρεμοῦν εἶναι γὰρ καὶ νηνεμίαν , εἰκάζειν δὲ καπνῷ· δύο δὲ τολμήσαντας προελθεῖν εἰς τὸ πεδίον, ἐπειδὴ θερμοτέρας ἐπέβαινον τῆς ψάμμου καὶ βαθυτέρας, ἀναστρέψαι μηδὲν ἔχοντας περιττότερον φράζειν τῶν φαινομένων τοῖς πόρρωθεν ἀφορῶσι. νομίζειν δ' ἐκ τῆς τοιαύτης ὄψεως πολλὰ μυθεύεσθαι καὶ μάλιστα οἷά φασί τινες περὶ Ἐμπεδοκλέους, ὅτι καθάλοιτο εἰς τὸν κρατῆρα καὶ καταλίποι τοῦ πάθους ἴχνος τῶν ἐμβάδων τὴν ἑτέραν ἃς ἐφόρει χαλκᾶς· εὑρεθῆναι γὰρ ἔξω μικρὸν ἄπωθεν τοῦ χείλους τοῦ κρατῆρος ὡς ἀνερριμμένην ὑπὸ τῆς βίας τοῦ πυρός· οὔτε γὰρ προσιτὸν εἶναι τὸν τόπον οὔθ' ὁρατόν, εἰκάζειν τε μηδὲ καταρριφῆναί τι δύνασθαι ἐκεῖσε ὑπὸ τῆς ἀντιπνοίας τῶν ἐκ βάθους ἀνέμων καὶ τῆς θερμότητος, ἣν προαπαντᾶν εὔλογον πόρρωθεν πρὶν ἢ τῷ στομίῳ τοῦ κρατῆρος προσπελάσαι· εἰ δὲ καταρριφείη, φθάνοι ἂν διαφθαρὲν πρὶν ἀναρριφῆναι πάλιν ὁποῖον παρελήφθη πρότερον. τὸ μὲν οὖν ἐκλείπειν ποτὲ τὰ πνεύματα καὶ τὸ πῦρ ἐπιλειπούσης τῆς ὕλης, οὐκ ἄλογον, οὐ μὴν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτόν γε ὥστ' ἀντὶ τῆς τοσαύτης βίας ἐφικτὸν ἀνθρώπῳ γενέσθαι τὸν πλησιασμόν. ὑπέρκειται δ' ἡ Αἴτνη μᾶλλον μὲν τῆς κατὰ τὸν πορθμὸν καὶ τὴν Καταναίαν παραλίας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς κατὰ τὸ Τυρρηνικὸν πέλαγος καὶ τὰς Λιπαραίων νήσους. νύκτωρ μὲν οὖν καὶ φέγγη φαίνεται λαμπρὰ ἐκ τῆς κορυφῆς, μεθ' ἡμέραν δὲ καπνῷ καὶ ἀχλύι κατέχεται.

Near Centoripa is the town of Aetna, which was mentioned a little above, whose people entertain and conduct those who ascend the mountain; for the mountain-summit begins here. The upper districts are bare and ash-like and full of snow during the winter, whereas the lower are divided up by forests and plantations of every sort. The topmost parts of the mountain appear to undergo many changes because of the way the fire distributes itself, for at one time the fire concentrates in one crater, but at another time divides, while at one time the mountain sends forth lava, at another, flames and fiery smoke, and at still other times it also emits red-hot masses; and the inevitable result of these disturbances is that not only the underground passages, but also the orifices, sometimes rather numerous, which appear on the surface of the mountain all round, undergo changes at the same time. Be this as it may, those who recently made the ascent gave me the following account: They found at the top a level plain, about twenty stadia in circuit, enclosed by a rim of ashes the height of a house-wall, so that any who wished to proceed into the plain had to leap down from the wall; they saw in the center of the plain a mound {134} of the color of ashes, in this respect being like the surface of the plain as seen from above, and above the mound a perpendicular cloud rising straight up to a height of about two hundred feet, motionless (for it was a windless day) and resembling smoke; and two of the men had the hardihood to proceed into the plain, but because the sand they were walking on got hotter and deeper, they turned back, and so were unable to tell those who were observing from a distance anything more than what was already apparent. But they believed, from such a view as they had, that many of the current stories are mythical, and particularly those which some tell about Empedocles, that he leaped down into the crater and left behind, as a trace of the fate he suffered, one of the brazen sandals which he wore; for it was found, they say, a short distance outside the rim of the crater, as though it had been thrown up by the force of the fire. Indeed, the place is neither to be approached nor to be seen, according to my informants; and further, they surmised that nothing could be thrown down into it either, owing to the contrary blasts of the winds arising from the depths, and also owing to the heat, which, it is reasonable to suppose, meets one long before one comes near the mouth of the crater; but even if something should be thrown down into it, it would be destroyed before it could be thrown up in anything like the shape it had when first received; and although it is not unreasonable to assume that at times the blasts of the fire die down when at times the fuel is deficient, yet surely this would not last long enough to make possible the approach of man against so great a force. Aetna dominates more especially the seaboard in the region of the Strait and the territory of Catana, but also that in the region of the Tyrrhenian Sea and the Liparaean Islands. Now although by night a brilliant light shines from the summit, by day it is covered with smoke and haze.

134. "This is the small cone of eruption, in the center of the wide semicircular crater" (Tozer, Selections, p. 175), which the poem of Aetna (line 182), ascribed to Lucilius Junior, describes as follows: "penitusque exaestuat ultra."

 

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 ἀνταίρει δὲ τῇ Αἴτνῃ τὰ Νεβρώδη ὄρη ταπεινότερα μὲν πλάτει δὲ πολὺ παραλλάττοντα. ἅπασα δ' ἡ νῆσος κοίλη κατὰ γῆς ἐστι, ποταμῶν καὶ πυρὸς μεστή, καθάπερ τὸ Τυρρηνικὸν πέλαγος, ὡς εἰρήκαμεν, μέχρι τῆς Κυμαίας. θερμῶν γοῦν ὑδάτων ἀναβολὰς κατὰ πολλοὺς ἔχει τόπους ἡ νῆσος, ὧν τὰ μὲν Σελινούντια καὶ τὰ Ἱμεραῖα ἁλμυρά ἐστι, τὰ δὲ Αἰγεσταῖα πότιμα περὶ Ἀκράγαντα δὲ λίμναι τὴν μὲν γεῦσιν ἔχουσαι θαλάττης, τὴν δὲ φύσιν διάφορον· οὐδὲ γὰρ τοῖς ἀκολύμβοις βαπτίζεσθαι συμβαίνει ξύλων τρόπον ἐπιπολάζουσιν. οἱ Παλικοὶ δὲ κρατῆρας ἔχουσιν ἀναβάλλοντας ὕδωρ εἰς θολοειδὲς ἀναφύσημα καὶ πάλιν εἰς τὸν αὐτὸν δεχομένους μυχόν. τὸ δὲ περὶ Μάταυρον σπήλαιον ἐντὸς ἔχει σύριγγα εὐμεγέθη καὶ ποταμὸν δι' αὐτῆς ῥέοντα ἀφανῆ μέχρι πολλοῦ διαστήματος, εἶτ' ἀνακύπτοντα πρὸς τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν, καθάπερ Ὀρόντης ἐν τῇ Συρίᾳ καταδὺς εἰς τὸ μεταξὺ χάσμα Ἀπαμείας καὶ Ἀντιοχείας, ὃ καλοῦσι Χάρυβδιν, ἀνατέλλει πάλιν ἐν τετταράκοντα σταδίοις· τὰ δὲ παραπλήσια καὶ ὁ Τίγρις ἐν τῇ Μεσοποταμίᾳ καὶ ὁ Νεῖλος ἐν τῇ Λιβύῃ μικρὸν πρὸ τῶν πηγῶν. τὸ δὲ περὶ Στύμφαλον ὕδωρ ἐπὶ διακοσίους σταδίους ὑπὸ γῆν ἐνεχθὲν ἐν τῇ Ἀργείᾳ τὸν Ἐρασῖνον ἐκδίδωσι ποταμόν, καὶ πάλιν τὸ πρὸς τὴν Ἀρκαδικὴν Ἀσέαν ὑποβρύχιον ὠσθὲν ὀψέ ποτε τόν τ' Εὐρώταν καὶ τὸν Ἀλφειὸν ἀναδίδωσιν, ὥστε καὶ πεπιστεῦσθαι μυθῶδές τι, ὅτι τῶν ἐπιφημισθέντων στεφάνων ἑκατέρῳ καὶ ῥιφέντων εἰς τὸ κοινὸν ῥεῦμα ἀναφαίνεται κατὰ τὸν ἐπιφημισμὸν ἑκάτερος ἐν τῷ οἰκείῳ ποταμῷ. εἴρηται δὲ καὶ τὸ λεγόμενον περὶ τοῦ Τιμαύου.

Over against Aetna rise the Nebrodes Mountains, {135} which, though lower than Aetna, exceed it considerably in breadth. The whole island is hollow down beneath the ground, and full of streams and of fire, as is the case with the Tyrrhenian Sea, as far as the Cumaean country, as I have said before. {136} At all events, the island has at many places springs of hot waters which spout up, of which those of Selinus and those of Himera are brackish, whereas those of Aegesta are potable. Near Acragas are lakes which, though they have the taste of seawater, are different in nature; for even people who cannot swim do not sink, but float on the surface like wood. The territory of the Palici has craters {137} that spout up water in a dome-like jet and receive it back again into the same recess. The cavern near Mataurus {138} contains an immense gallery through which a river flows invisible for a considerable distance, and then emerges to the surface, as is the case with the Orontes in Syria, {139} which sinks into the chasm (called Charybdis) between Apameia and Antiocheia and rises again forty stadia away. Similar, too, are the cases both of the Tigris {140} in Mesopotamia and of the Nile in Libya, only a short distance from their sources. And the water in the territory of Stymphalus {141} first flows underground for two hundred stadia and then issues forth in Argeia as the Erasinus River; and again, the water near the Arcadian Asea is first forced below the surface and then, much later, emerges as both the Eurotas and the Alpheius; and hence the belief in a certain fabulous utterance, that if two wreaths be dedicated separately to each of the two rivers and thrown into the common stream, each will reappear, in accordance with the dedication, in the appropriate river. And I have already mentioned what is told about the Timavus River. {142}

135. Now the Nebrodici.

136. 5. 4. 9.

137. Strabo refers to what is now the Lago di Naftia, a small volcanic lake near the Eryces River and Leotini, and not far from the sea.

138. The form "Mataurus" seems to be corrupt. At any rate, it probably should be identified with Mazara (now Mazzara), near which there is now a small river flowing through a rocky district.

139. Cp. 16. 2. 7.

140. So Pliny N.H. 6.31.

141. Strabo refers to the lake of Stymphalus in Arcadia in the Peloponnesus. For a full description see Frazer's note on Paus. 8.22.1.

142. 5. 1. 8.

 

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 συγγενῆ δὲ καὶ τούτοις καὶ τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Σικελίαν πάθεσι τὰ περὶ τὰς Λιπαραίων νήσους καὶ αὐτὴν τὴν Λιπάραν δείκνυται. εἰσὶ δ' ἑπτὰ μὲν τὸν ἀριθμόν, μεγίστη δὲ ἡ Λιπάρα Κνιδίων ἄποικος ἐγγυτάτω τῆς Σικελίας κειμένη μετά γε τὴν Θέρμεσσαν· ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ πρότερον Μελιγουνίς· ἡγήσατο δὲ καὶ στόλῳ καὶ πρὸς τὰς τῶν Τυρρηνῶν ἐπιδρομὰς πολὺν χρόνον ἀντέσχεν, ὑπηκόους ἔχουσα τὰς νῦν λεγομένας Λιπαραίων νήσους ἃς Αἰόλου τινὲς προσαγορεύουσι. καὶ δὴ καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος ἐκόσμησε πολλάκις τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν ἀκροθινίων· ἔχει δὲ καὶ τὴν γῆν εὔκαρπον καὶ στυπτηρίας μέταλλον ἐμπρόσοδον καὶ θερμὰ ὕδατα καὶ πυρὸς ἀναπνοάς. ταύτης δὲ μεταξύ πώς ἐστι καὶ τῆς Σικελίας ἣν νῦν ἱερὰν Ἡφαίστου καλοῦσι, πετρώδης πᾶσα καὶ ἔρημος καἶ διάπυρος· ἔχει δὲ ἀναπνοὰς τρεῖς ὡς ἂν ἐκ τριῶν κρατήρων. ἐκ δὲ τοῦ μεγίστου καὶ μύδρους αἱ φλόγες ἀναφέρουσιν, οἳ προσκεχώκασιν ἤδη πολὺ μέρος τοῦ πόρου. ἐκ δὲ τῆς τηρήσεως πεπίστευται διότι τοῖς ἀνέμοις συμπαροξύνονται καὶ αἱ φλόγες αἵ τε ἐνταῦθα καὶ αἱ κατὰ τὴν Αἴτνην, παυομένων δὲ παύονται καὶ αἱ φλόγες. οὐκ ἄλογον δέ· καὶ γὰρ οἱ ἄνεμοι γεννῶνται καὶ τρέφονται τὴν ἀρχὴν λαβόντες ἀπὸ τῶν ἐκ τῆς θαλάττης ἀναθυμιάσεων, ὥστ' ἀπὸ συγγενοῦς ὕλης καὶ πάθους καὶ τὸ πῦρ ἐξαπτόμενον οὐκ ἐᾷ θαυμάζειν τοὺς ὁρῶντας ἀμωσγέπως τὰ τοιάδε. Πολύβιος δὲ τῶν τριῶν κρατήρων τὸν μὲν κατερρυηκέναι φησὶν ἐκ μέρους, τοὺς δὲ συμμένειν, τὸν δὲ μέγιστον τὸ χεῖλος ἔχειν περιφερὲς ὂν πέντε σταδίων, κατ' ὀλίγον δὲ συνάγεσθαι εἰς πεντήκοντα ποδῶν διάμετρον· καθ' οὗ βάθος εἶναι τὸ μέχρι θαλάττης σταδιαῖον, ὥστε καθορᾶν ταῖς νηνεμίαις. ἐὰν μὲν οὖν νότος μέλλῃ πνεῖν, ἀχλὺν ὁμιχλώδη καταχεῖσθαι κύκλῳ φησὶ τῆς νησῖδος ὥστε μηδὲ τὴν Σικελίαν ἄπωθεν φαίνεσθαι· ὅταν δὲ βορέας, φλόγας καθαρὰς ἀπὸ τοῦ λεχθέντος κρατῆρος εἰς ὕψος ἐξαίρεσθαι καὶ βρόμους ἐκπέμπεσθαι μείζους· τὸν δὲ ζέφυρον μέσην τινὰ ἔχειν τάξιν. τοὺς δ' ἄλλους κρατῆρας ὁμοειδεῖς μὲν εἶναι, τῇ δὲ βίᾳ λείπεσθαι τῶν ἀναφυσημάτων· ἔκ τε δὴ τῆς διαφορᾶς τῶν βρόμων καὶ ἐκ τοῦ πόθεν ἄρχεται τὰ ἀναφυσήματα καὶ αἱ φλόγες καὶ αἱ λιγνύες προσημαίνεσθαι καὶ τὸν εἰς ἡμέραν τρίτην πάλιν μέλλοντα ἄνεμον πνεῖν· τῶν γοῦν ἐν Λιπάραις γενομένης ἀπλοίας προειπεῖν τινάς φησι τὸν ἐσόμενον ἄνεμον καὶ μὴ διαψεύσασθαι. ἀφ' οὗ δὴ τὸ μυθωδέστατον δοκοῦν εἰρῆσθαι τῷ ποιητῇ οὐ μάτην φαίνεσθαι λεχθέν, ἀλλ' αἰνιξαμένου τὴν ἀλήθειαν, ὅταν φῇ ταμίαν τῶν ἀνέμων τὸν Αἰόλον· περὶ ὧν ἐμνήσθημεν καὶ πρότερον ἱκανῶς. ἐπάνιμεν δ' ἐπὶ τὰ ἑξῆς ἀφ' ὧν παρεξέβημεν.

Phenomena akin both to these and to those in Sicily are to be seen about the Liparaean Islands and Lipara itself. The islands are seven in number, but the largest is Lipara (a colony of the Cnidians), which, Thermessa excepted, lies nearest to Sicily. It was formerly called Meligunis; and it not only commanded a fleet, but for a long time resisted the incursions of the Tyrrheni, for it held in obedience all the Liparaean Islands, as they are now called, though by some they are called the Islands of Aeolus. Furthermore, it often adorned the temple of Apollo at Delphi with dedications from the first fruits of victory. It has also a fruitful soil, and a mine of styptic earth {143} that brings in revenues, {144} and hot springs, and fire blasts. Between Lipara and Sicily is Thermessa, which is now called Hiera of Hephaestus; {145} the whole island is rocky, desert, and fiery, and it has three fire blasts, rising from three openings which one might call craters. From the largest the flames carry up also red-hot masses, which have already choked up a considerable part of the Strait. From observation it has been believed that the flames, both here and on Aetna, are stimulated along with the winds and that when the winds cease the flames cease too. And this is not unreasonable, for the winds are begotten by the evaporations of the sea and after they have taken their beginning are fed thereby; and therefore it is not permissible for any who have any sort of insight into such matters to marvel if the fire too is kindled by a cognate fuel or disturbance. According to Polybius, one of the three craters has partially fallen in, whereas the others remain whole; and the largest has a circular rim five stadia in circuit, but it gradually contracts to a diameter of fifty feet; and the altitude of this crater above the level of the sea is a stadium, so that the crater is visible on windless days. {146} But if all this is to be believed, perhaps one should also believe the mythical story about Empedocles. {147} Now if the south wind is about to blow, Polybius continues, a cloud-like mist pours down all round the island, so that not even Sicily is visible in the distance; and when the north wind is about to blow, pure flames rise aloft from the aforesaid crater and louder rumblings are sent forth; but the west wind holds a middle position, so to speak, between the two; but though the two other craters are like the first in kind, they fall short in the violence of their spoutings; accordingly, both the difference in the rumblings, and the place whence the spoutings and the flames and the fiery smoke begin, signify beforehand the wind that is going to blow again three days afterward; {148} at all events, certain of the men in Liparae, when the weather made sailing impossible, predicted, he says, the wind that was to blow, and they were not mistaken; from this fact, then, it is clear that that saying of the Poet which is regarded as most mythical of all was not idly spoken, but that he hinted at the truth when he called Aeolus "steward of the winds." {149} However, I have already discussed these matters sufficiently. {150} It is the close attention of the Poet to vivid description, one might call it, . . . for both {151} are equally present in rhetorical composition and vivid description; at any rate, pleasure is common to both. But I shall return to the topic which follows that at which I digressed.

143. Styptic earth (= Latin alumen) is discussed at length by Pliny 35.52.. It was not our alum, but an iron sulphate, or a mixture of an iron and an aluminium sulphate, used in dyeing and in medicine.

144. Diod. Sic. 5.10 says: "This island" (Lipara) "has the far-famed mines of styptic earth, from which the Liparaeans and Romans get great revenues."

145. i.e., "Sacred" Isle of Hephaestus. The isle is now called Vulcanello. It is supposed to be the island that rose from the sea about 183 B. C. (See Nissen, Italische Landeskunde I.251).

146. i.e., from the sea.

147. See 6. 2. 8.

148. So Pliny 3.14.

149. Hom. Od. 10.21.

150. 1. 2. 7-18, but especially sections 15-18. Since Polybius, as well as Strabo, discussed this subject at length, the sentence "However, . . . sufficiently" might belong to the long excerpt from Polybius (cp. 1. 2. 15-18). Here follows a sentence which, as it stands in the manuscripts, is incoherent, and seems to be beyond restoration. But for the fact that it is somewhat similar to an accredited passage found elsewhere (1. 2. 17), one would hardly hesitate to regard it as a marginal note and follow Meineke in ejecting it from the text.

151. Perhaps (1) pleasure and (2) the excitement of amazement (see 1. 2. 17), as Groskurd thinks, or (1) the truthful element and (2) the mythical element (see also 1. 2. 19).

 

006.002.011

 τὴν μὲν δὴ Λιπάραν καὶ τὴν Θέρμεσσαν εἰρήκαμεν. ἡ δὲ Στρογγύλη καλεῖται μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ σχήματος, ἔστι δὲ καὶ αὕτη διάπυρος, βίᾳ μὲν φλογὸς λειπομένη τῷ δὲ φέγγει πλεονεκτοῦσα· ἐνταῦθα δὲ τὸν Αἰόλον οἰκῆσαί φασι. τετάρτη δ' ἐστὶ Διδύμη, καὶ αὕτη δ' ἀπὸ τοῦ σχήματος ὠνόμασται. τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν Ἐρικοῦσσα μὲν καὶ Φοινικοῦσσα ἀπὸ τῶν φυτῶν κέκληνται, ἀνεῖνται δὲ εἰς νομάς. ἑβδόμη δ' ἐστὶν Εὐώνυμος, πελαγία μάλιστα καὶ ἔρημος· ὠνόμασται δ' ὅτι μάλιστα τοῖς εἰς Λιπάρας ἐκ Σικελίας πλέουσιν εὐώνυμός ἐστι. πολλάκις δὲ καὶ φλόγες εἰς τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν τοῦ πελάγους τοῦ περὶ τὰς νήσους ὤφθησαν ἐπιδραμοῦσαι, τῶν κατὰ βάθους κοιλιῶν ἀναστομωθέντος πόρου τινὸς καὶ τοῦ πυρὸς βιασαμένου πρὸς τὸ ἐκτός. Ποσειδώνιος δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ μνήμην φησὶ περὶ τροπὰς θερινὰς ἅμα τῇ ἕῳ μεταξὺ τῆς Ἱέρας καὶ τῆς Εὐωνύμου πρὸς ὕψος ἀρθεῖσαν ἐξαίσιον τὴν θάλατταν ὁραθῆναι, καὶ συμμεῖναί τινα χρόνον ἀναφυσωμένην συνεχῶς, εἶτα παύσασθαι· τοὺς δὲ τολμήσαντας προσπλεῖν, ἰδόντας νεκροὺς ἰχθύας ἐλαυνομένους ὑπὸ τοῦ ῥοῦ καὶ θέρμῃ καὶ δυσωδίᾳ πληγέντας φυγεῖν, ἓν δὲ τῶν πλοιαρίων τὸ μᾶλλον πλησιάσαν τοὺς μὲν τῶν ἐνόντων ἀποβαλεῖν τοὺς δ' εἰς Λιπάραν μόλις σῶσαι, τοτὲ μὲν ἔκφρονας γινομένους ὁμοίως τοῖς ἐπιληπτικοῖς τοτὲ δὲ ἀνατρέχοντας εἰς τοὺς οἰκείους λογισμούς· πολλαῖς δ' ἡμέραις ὕστερον ὁρᾶσθαι πηλὸν ἐπανθοῦντα τῇ θαλάττῃ, πολλαχοῦ δὲ καὶ φλόγας ἐκπιπτούσας καὶ καπνοὺς καὶ λιγνύας, ὕστερον δὲ παγῆναι καὶ γενέσθαι τοῖς μυλίταις λίθοις ἐοικότα τὸν πάγον· τὸν δὲ τῆς Σικελίας στρατηγὸν Τίτον Φλαμίνιον δηλῶσαι τῇ συγκλήτῳ, τὴν δὲ πέμψασαν ἐκθύσασθαι ἔν τε τῷ νησιδίῳ καὶ ἐν Λιπάραις τοῖς τε καταχθονίοις θεοῖς καὶ τοῖς θαλαττίοις. ἀπὸ μὲν οὖν Ἐρικώδους εἰς Φοινικώδη δέκα μίλιά φησιν ὁ χωρογράφος, ἔνθεν δ' εἰς Διδύμην τριάκοντα, ἔνθεν δ' εἰς Λιπάραν πρὸς ἄρκτον ἐννέα καὶ εἴκοσιν, ἔνθεν δ' εἰς Σικελίαν ἐννεακαίδεκα· ἑκκαίδεκα δ' ἐκ τῆς Στρογγύλης. πρόκειται δὲ τοῦ Παχύνου Μελίτη, ὅθεν τὰ κυνίδια ἃ καλοῦσι Μελιταῖα, καὶ Γαῦδος, ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ ὀκτὼ μίλια τῆς ἄκρας ἀμφότεραι διέχουσαι· Κόσσουρα δὲ πρὸ τοῦ Λιλυβαίου καὶ πρὸ τῆς Ἀσπίδος Καρχηδονιακῆς πόλεως ἣν Κλυπέαν καλοῦσι, μέση ἀμφοῖν κειμένη καὶ τὸ λεχθὲν διάστημα ἀφ' ἑκατέρας ἀπέχουσα· καὶ ἡ Αἰγίμουρος δὲ πρὸ τῆς Σικελίας καὶ τῆς Λιβύης ἐστὶ καὶ ἄλλα μικρὰ νησίδια. ταῦτα μὲν περὶ τῶν νήσων.

Of Lipara, then, and Thermessa I have already spoken. As for Strongyle, {152} it is so called from its shape, and it too is fiery; it falls short in the violence of its flame, but excels in the brightness of its light; and this is where Aeolus lived, it is said. The fourth island is Didyme, {153} and it too is named after its shape. Of the remaining islands, Ericussa {154} and Phoenicussa {155} have been so called from their plants, and are given over to pasturage of flocks. The seventh is Euonymus, {156} which is farthest out in the high sea and is desert; it is so named because it is more to the left than the others, to those who sail from Lipara to Sicily. {157} Again, many times flames have been observed running over the surface of the sea round about the islands when some passage had been opened up from the cavities down in the depths of the earth and the fire had forced its way to the outside. Poseidonius says that within his own recollection, {158} one morning at daybreak about the time of the summer solstice, the sea between Hiera and Euonymus was seen raised to an enormous height, and by a sustained blast remained puffed up for a considerable time, and then subsided; and when those who had the hardihood to sail up to it saw dead fish driven by the current, and some of the men were stricken ill because of the heat and stench, they took flight; one of the boats, however, approaching more closely, lost some of its occupants and barely escaped to Lipara with the rest, who would at times become senseless like epileptics, and then afterwards would recur to their proper reasoning faculties; and many days later mud was seen forming on the surface of the sea, and in many places flames, smoke, and murky fire broke forth, but later the scum hardened and became as hard as mill-stone; and the governor of Sicily, Titus Flaminius, {159} reported the event to the Senate, and the Senate sent a deputation to offer propitiatory sacrifices, both in the islet {160} and in Liparae, to the gods both of the underworld and of the Sea. Now, according to the Chorographer, {161} the distance from Ericodes to Phoenicodes {162} is ten miles, and thence to Didyme thirty, and thence to the northern part of Lipara twenty-nine, and thence to Sicily nineteen, but from Strongyle sixteen. Off Pachynus lie Melita, {163} whence come the little dogs called Melitaean, and Gaudos, both eighty-eight miles distant from the Cape. Cossura {164} lies off Lilybaeum, and off Aspis, {165} a Carthaginian city whose Latin name is Clupea; it lies midway between the two, and is the aforesaid distance {166} from either. Aegimurus, {167} also, and other small islands lie off Sicily and Libya. So much for the islands.

152. i.e., "Round," the Stromboli of today.

153. i.e., "Double." It is formed by two volcanic cones; the Salina of today.

154. i.e., "Heather" (cp. the botanical term "Ericaceae"); now called Alicudi.

155. i.e., "Palm" (cp. the botanical term "Phoenicaceae"); or perhaps "Rye-grass" (Lolium perenne), the sense in which Theophrastus Hist. Plant. 2. 6.11 uses the Greek word "phoenix"; now called Felicudi.

156. i.e., "Left"; now called Panaria.

157. This would not be true if one sailed the shortest way to Sicily, but Strabo obviously has in mind the voyage from the city of Lipara to Cape Pelorias.

158. Poseidonius was born about 130 B.C.

159. This Titus Flaminius, who must have lived "within the recollection" of Poseidonius, is otherwise unknown. If the text is correct, he was governor of Sicily about 90 B.C. Cp. Nissen, op. cit. II.251. But Du Theil, Corais and C. Müller emend to Titus "Flamininus," who was governor in 123 B.C., trying to connect this eruption with that which is generally put at 126 B.C. (cp. Pliny 2. 88 [89]).

160. The islet just created.

161. See footnote 3 in Vol. II, p. 358.

162. i.e., Ericussa and Phoenicussa.

163. Now Malta.

164. Now Pantellaria.

165. So called from the resemblance of the hill (see 17. 3. 16), where it is situated, to a shield (aspis, Lat. clupeus).

166. Eighty-eight miles.

167. Now Al Djamur.

 

006.003.001

 ἐπεληλυθόσι δ' ἡμῖν τὰ περὶ τὴν ἀρχαίαν Ἰταλίαν μέχρι Μεταποντίου τὰ συνεχῆ λεκτέον. συνεχὴς δ' ἐστὶν ἡ Ἰαπυγία· ταύτην δὲ καὶ Μεσσαπίαν καλοῦσιν οἱ Ἕλληνες, οἱ δ' ἐπιχώριοι κατὰ μέρη τὸ μέν τι Σαλεντίνους καλοῦσι τὸ περὶ τὴν ἄκραν τὴν Ἰαπυγίαν, τὸ δὲ Καλαβρούς. ὑπὲρ τούτους πρόσβορροι Πευκέτιοί τέ εἰσι καὶ Δαύνιοι κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα διάλεκτον προσαγορευόμενοι, οἱ δ' ἐπιχώριοι πᾶσαν τὴν μετὰ τοὺς Καλαβροὺς Ἀπουλίαν καλοῦσι· τινὲς δ' αὐτῶν καὶ Ποίδικλοι λέγονται, καὶ μάλιστα οἱ Πευκέτιοι. ἔστι δέ τι ἐπιχερρονησιάζουσα ἡ Μεσσαπία τῷ ἀπὸ Βρεντεσίου μέχρι Τάραντος ἰσθμῷ κλειομένη σταδίων δέκα καὶ τριακοσίων. ὅ τε περίπλους ἐστὶ περὶ τὴν ἄκραν Ἰαπυγίαν σταδίων ὁμοῦ τι τετρακοσίων. τοῦ δὲ Μεταποντίου μὲν διέχει σταδίους περὶ διακοσίους καὶ ἑἴκοσιν ὁ Τάρας, ὁ δὲ πλοῦς ἐπ' αὐτὸν πρὸς τὰς ἀνατολάς. τοῦ δὲ κόλπου παντὸς τοῦ Ταραντίνου τὸ πλέον ἀλιμένου ὄντος, ἐνταῦθα δὴ λιμήν ἐστι μέγιστος καὶ κάλλιστος γεφύρᾳ κλειόμενος μεγάλῃ, σταδίων δ' ἐστὶν ἑκατὸν τὴν περίμετρον. ἐκ δὲ τοῦ πρὸς τὸν μυχὸν μέρους ἰσθμὸν ποιεῖ πρὸς τὴν ἔξω θάλατταν, ὥστ' ἐπὶ χερρονήσῳ κεῖσθαι τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὰ πλοῖα ὑπερνεωλκεῖσθαι ῥᾳδίως ἑκατέρωθεν ταπεινοῦ ὄντος τοῦ αὐχένος. ταπεινὸν δὲ καὶ τὸ τῆς πόλεως ἔδαφος, μικρὸν δ' ὅμως ἐπῆρται κατὰ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν. τὸ μὲν οὖν παλαιὸν τεῖχος κύκλον ἔχει μέγαν, νυνὶ δ' ἐκλέλειπται τὸ πλέον τὸ πρὸς τῷ ἰσθμῷ, τὸ δὲ πρὸς τῷ στόματι τοῦ λιμένος, καθ' ὃ καὶ ἡ ἀκρόπολις, συμμένει μέγεθος ἀξιολόγου πόλεως ἐκπληροῦν. ἔχει δὲ γυμνάσιόν τε κάλλιστον καὶ ἀγορὰν εὐμεγέθη, ἐν ᾖ καὶ ὁ τοῦ Διὸς ἵδρυται κολοσσὸς χαλκοῦς, μέγιστος μετὰ τὸν Ῥοδίων. μεταξὺ δὲ τῆς ἀγορᾶς καὶ τοῦ στόματος ἡ ἀκρόπολις μικρὰ λείψανα ἔχουσα τοῦ παλαιοῦ κόσμου τῶν ἀναθημάτων· τὰ γὰρ πολλὰ τὰ μὲν κατέφθειραν Καρχηδόνιοι λαβόντες τὴν πόλιν, τὰ δ' ἐλαφυραγώγησαν Ῥωμαῖοι κρατήσαντες βιαίως· ὧν ἐστι καὶ ὁ Ἡρακλῆς ἐν τῷ Καπετωλίῳ χαλκοῦς κολοσσικός, Λυσίππου ἔργον, ἀνάθημα Μαξίμου Φαβίου τοῦ ἑλόντος τὴν πόλιν.

Now that I have traversed the regions of Old Italy {168} as far as Metapontium, I must speak of those that border on them. And Iapygia borders on them. The Greeks call it Messapia, also, but the natives, dividing it into two parts, call one part (that about the Iapygian Cape) {169} the country of the Salentini, and the other the country of the Calabri. Above these latter, on the north, are the Peucetii and also those people who in the Greek language are called Daunii, but the natives give the name Apulia to the whole country that comes after that of the Calabri, though some of them, particularly the Peucetii, are called Poedicli also. Messapia forms a sort of peninsula, since it is enclosed by the isthmus that extends from Brentesium {170} as far as Taras, three hundred and ten stadia. And the voyage thither {171} around the Iapygian Cape is, all told, about four hundred {172} stadia. The distance from Metapontium {173} is about two hundred and twenty stadia, and the voyage to it is towards the rising sun. But though the whole Tarantine Gulf, generally speaking, is harborless, yet at the city there is a very large and beautiful harbor, {174} which is enclosed by a large bridge and is one hundred stadia in circumference. In that part of the harbor which lies towards the innermost recess, {175} the harbor, with the outer sea, forms an isthmus, and therefore the city is situated on a peninsula; and since the neck of land is low-lying, the ships are easily hauled overland from either side. The ground of the city, too, is low-lying, but still it is slightly elevated where the acropolis is. The old wall has a large circuit, but at the present time the greater part of the city--the part that is near the isthmus--has been forsaken, but the part that is near the mouth of the harbor, where the acropolis is, still endures and makes up a city of noteworthy size. And it has a very beautiful gymnasium, and also a spacious market-place, in which is situated the bronze colossus of Zeus, the largest in the world except the one that belongs to the Rhodians. Between the marketplace and the mouth of the harbor is the acropolis, which has but few remnants of the dedicated objects that in early times adorned it, for most of them were either destroyed by the Carthaginians when they took the city or carried off as booty by the Romans when they took the place by storm. {176} Among this booty is the Heracles in the Capitol, a colossal bronze statue, the work of Lysippus, dedicated by Maximus Fabius, who captured the city.

168. i.e., Oenotria (see 6. 1. 15 and 5. 1. 1).

169. Cape Leuca.

170. See 5. 3. 6 and footnote.

171. From Brentesium to Taras.

172. This figure is wrong. Strabo probably wrote 1,200; Groskurd thinks that he wrote 1,400, but in section 5 (below) the figures for the intervals of the same voyage total 1,220 stadia.

173. To Taras.

174. Mare Piccolo.

175. i.e., the part that is immediately to the east of the city, as Tozer (op. cit., p. 183) points out.

176. Tarentum revolted from Rome to Hannibal during the Second Punic War, but was recaptured (209 B.C.) and severely dealt with.

 

006.003.002

 περὶ δὲ τῆς κτίσεως Ἀντίοχος λέγων φησὶν ὅτι τοῦ Μεσσηνιακοῦ πολέμου γενηθέντος οἱ μὴ μετασχόντες Λακεδαιμονίων τῆς στρατείας ἐκρίθησαν δοῦλοι καὶ ὠνομάσθησαν Εἵλωτες, ὅσοις δὲ κατὰ τὴν στρατείαν παῖδες ἐγένοντο, Παρθενίας ἐκάλουν καὶ ἀτίμους ἔκριναν· οἱ δ' οὐκ ἀνασχόμενοι πολλοὶ δ' ἦσαν ἐπεβούλευσαν τοῖς τοῦ δήμου. αἰσθόμενοι δ' ὑπέπεμψάν τινας, οἳ προσποιήσει φιλίας ἔμελλον ἐξαγγέλλειν τὸν τρόπον τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς. τούτων δ' ἦν καὶ Φάλανθος, ὅσπερ ἐδόκει προστάτης ὑπάρχειν αὐτῶν, οὐκ ἠρέσκετο δ' ἁπλῶς τοῖς περὶ τῆς βουλῆς ὀνομασθεῖσι. συνέκειτο μὲν δὴ τοῖς Ὑακινθίοις ἐν τῷ Ἀμυκλαίῳ συντελουμένου τοῦ ἀγῶνος, ἡνίκ' ἂν τὴν κυνῆν περίθηται ὁ Φάλανθος, ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἐπίθεσιν· γνώριμοι δ' ἦσαν ἀπὸ τῆς κόμης οἱ τοῦ δήμου. ἐξαγγειλάντων δὲ λάθρᾳ τὰ συγκείμενα τῶν περὶ Φάλανθον καὶ τοῦ ἀγῶνος ἐνεστῶτος, προελθὼν ὁ κῆρυξ εἶπε μὴ περιθέσθαι κυνῆν Φάλανθον. οἱ δ' αἰσθόμενοι ὡς μεμηνύκασι τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν οἱ μὲν διεδίδρασκον οἱ δὲ ἱκέτευον. κελεύσαντες δ' αὐτοὺς θαρρεῖν φυλακῇ παρέδοσαν, τὸν δὲ Φάλανθον ἔπεμψαν εἰς θεοῦ περὶ ἀποικίας· ὁ δ' ἔχρησε

Σατύριόν τοι δῶκα Τάραντά τε πίονα δῆμον οἰκῆσαι, καὶ πῆμα Ἰαπύγεσσι γενέσθαι.

ἧκον οὖν σὺν Φαλάνθῳ οἱ Παρθενίαι, καὶ ἐδέξαντο αὐτοὺς οἵ τε βάρβαροι καὶ οἱ Κρῆτες οἱ προκατασχόντες τὸν τόπον. τούτους δ' εἶναί φασι τοὺς μετὰ Μίνω πλεύσαντας εἰς Σικελίαν, καὶ μετὰ τὴν ἐκείνου τελευτὴν τὴν ἐν Καμικοῖς παρὰ Κωκάλῳ συμβᾶσαν ἀπάραντας ἐκ Σικελίας κατὰ δὲ τὸν ἀνάπλουν δεῦρο παρωσθέντας, ὧν τινὰς ὕστερον πεζῇ περιελθόντας τὸν Ἀδρίαν μέχρι Μακεδονίας Βοττιαίους προσαγορευθῆναι. Ἰάπυγας δὲ λεχθῆναι πάντας φασὶ μέχρι τῆς Δαυνίας ἀπὸ Ἰάπυγος, ὃν ἐκ Κρήσσης γυναικὸς Δαιδάλῳ γενέσθαι φασὶ καὶ ἡγήσασθαι τῶν Κρητῶν· Τάραντα δ' ὠνόμασαν ἀπὸ ἥρωός τινος τὴν πόλιν.

In speaking of the founding of Taras, Antiochus says: After the Messenian war {177} broke out, those of the Lacedaemonians who did not take part in the expedition were adjudged slaves and were named Helots, {178} and all children who were born in the time of the expedition were called Partheniae {179} and judicially deprived of the rights of citizenship, but they would not tolerate this, and since they were numerous formed a plot against the free citizens; and when the latter learned of the plot they sent secretly certain men who, through a pretence of friendship, were to report what manner of plot it was; among these was Phalanthus, who was reputed to be their champion, but he was not pleased, in general, with those who had been named to take part in the council. It was agreed, however, that the attack should be made at the Hyacinthian festival in the Amyclaeum {180} when the games were being celebrated, at the moment when Phalanthus should put on his leather cap (the free citizens were recognizable by their hair  {181} ); but when Phalanthus and his men had secretly reported the agreement, and when the games were in progress, the herald came forward and forbade Phalanthus to put on a leather cap; and when the plotters perceived that the plot had been revealed, some of them began to run away and others to beg for mercy; but they were bidden to be of good cheer and were given over to custody; Phalanthus, however, was sent to the temple of the god {182} to consult with reference to founding a colony; and the god responded, "I give to thee Satyrium, both to take up thine abode in the rich land of Taras and to become a bane to the Iapygians." Accordingly, the Partheniae went thither with Phalanthus, and they were welcomed by both the barbarians and the Cretans who had previously taken possession of the place. These latter, it is said, are the people who sailed with Minos to Sicily, and, after his death, which occurred at the home of Cocalus in Camici, {183} set sail from Sicily; but on the voyage back {184} they were driven out of their course to Taras, although later some of them went afoot around the Adrias {185} as far as Macedonia and were called Bottiaeans. But all the people as far as Daunia, it is said, were called Iapyges, after Iapyx, who is said to have been the son of Daedalus by a Cretan woman and to have been the leader of the Cretans. The city of Taras, however, was named after some hero.

177. 743-723 B.C.

178. On the name and its origin, see 8. 5. 4; also Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. s.v. "Heloten."

179. "Children of Virgins."

180. The temple of Amyclaean Apollo.

181. i.e., by the length of it. According to Plut. Lys. 1 the wearing of long hair by the Spartans dated back to Lycurgus (the ninth century B.C.), but according to Hdt. 1.82 they wore their hair short till the battle of Thyrea (in the sixth century B.C.), when by legal enactment they began to wear it long.

182. At Delphi.

183. Cp. 6. 2. 6.

184. Back to Crete.

185. The Adriatic.

 

006.003.003

 ἔφορος δ' οὕτω λέγει περὶ τῆς κτίσεως· ἐπολέμουν Λακεδαιμόνιοι Μεσσηνίοις ἀποκτείνασι τὸν βασιλέα Τήλεκλον εἰς Μεσσήνην ἀφικόμενον ἐπὶ θυσίαν, ὀμόσαντες μὴ πρότερον ἐπανήξειν οἴκαδε πρὶν ἢ Μεσσήνην ἀνελεῖν ἢ πάντας ἀποθανεῖν· φύλακας δὲ τῆς πόλεως κατέλιπον στρατεύοντες τούς τε νεωτάτους καὶ πρεσβυτάτους τῶν πολιτῶν. δεκάτῳ δ' ὕστερον ἔτεἶ τοῦ πολέμου τὰς γυναῖκας τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων συνελθούσας ἐξ ἑαυτῶν πέμψαι τινὰς παρὰ τοὺς ἄνδρας τὰς μεμψομένας, ὡς οὐκ ἐπ' ἴσοις πολεμοῖεν πρὸς τοὺς Μεσσηνίους οἱ μὲν γὰρ μένοντες τεκνοποιοῦνται, οἱ δὲ χήρας ἀφέντες τὰς γυναῖκας ἐν τῇ πολεμίᾳ ἐστρατοπέδευον , καὶ κίνδυνος εἴη λιπανδρῆσαι τὴν πατρίδα. οἱ δ' ἅμα καὶ τὸν ὅρκον φυλάττοντες καὶ τὸν τῶν γυναικῶν λόγον ἐν νῷ θέμενοι πέμπουσι τῆς στρατιᾶς τοὺς εὐρωστοτάτους ἅμα καὶ νεωτάτους, οὓς ᾔδεσαν οὐ μετασχόντας τῶν ὅρκων διὰ τὸ παῖδας ἔτι ὄντας συνεξελθεῖν τοῖς ἐν ἡλικίᾳ· προσέταξαν δὲ συγγίνεσθαι ταῖς παρθένοις ἁπάσαις ἅπαντας, ἡγούμενοι πολυτεκνήσειν μᾶλλον· γενομένων δὲ τούτων οἱ μὲν παῖδες ὠνομάσθησαν Παρθενίαι. Μεσσήνη δὲ ἑάλω πολεμηθεῖσα ἐννεακαίδεκα ἔτη, καθάπερ καὶ Τυρταῖός φησιν

ἀμφ' αὐτὴν δ' ἐμάχοντ' ἐννεακαίδεκ' ἔτη, νωλεμέως αἰεὶ ταλασίφρονα θυμὸν ἔχοντες, αἰχμηταὶ πατέρων ἡμετέρων πατέρες. εἰκοστῷ δ' οἱ μὲν κατὰ πίονα ἔργα λιπόντες φεῦγον Ἰθωμαίων ἐκ μεγάλων ὀρέων. 

τὴν μὲν οὖν Μεσσηνίαν κατενείμαντο, ἐπανελθόντες δ' οἴκαδε τοὺς Παρθενίας οὐχ ὁμοίως τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐτίμων ὡς οὐκ ἐκ γάμου γεγονότας· οἳ συνιστάμενοι μετὰ τῶν Εἱλώτων ἐπεβούλευσαν τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ συνέθεντο ἆραι σύσσημον ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ πῖλον Λακωνικόν, ἐπειδὰν ἐγχειρῶσι. τῶν δὲ Εἱλώτων τινὲς ἐξαγγείλαντες, τὸ μὲν ἀντεπιτίθεσθαι χαλεπὸν ἔγνωσαν· καὶ γὰρ πολλοὺς εἶναι καὶ πάντας ὁμόφρονας, ὡς ἂν ἀλλήλων ἀδελφοὺς νομιζομένους· τοὺς μέλλοντας δ' αἴρειν τὸ σύσσημον ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἀπιέναι προσέταξαν. οἱ μὲν δὴ μεμηνυμένην αἰσθόμενοι τὴν πρᾶξιν ἐπέσχον, οἱ δὲ διὰ τῶν πατέρων ἔπεισαν αὐτοὺς εἰς ἀποικίαν ἐξελθεῖν· κἂν μὲν κατάσχωσιν ἀρκοῦντα τὸν τόπον, μένειν, εἰ δὲ μή, τῆς Μεσσηνίας τὸ πέμπτον κατανείμασθαι μέρος ἐπανιόντας. οἱ δὲ σταλέντες κατελάβοντο τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς πολεμοῦντας τοῖς βαρβάροις, μετασχόντες δὲ τῶν κινδύνων κτίζουσι τὴν Τάραντα.

But Ephorus describes the founding of the city thus: The Lacedaemonians were at war with the Messenians because the latter had killed their king Teleclus when he went to Messene to offer sacrifice, and they swore that they would not return home again until they either destroyed Messene or were all killed; and when they set out on the expedition, they left behind the youngest and the oldest of the citizens to guard the city; but later on, in the tenth year of the war, the Lacedaemonian women met together and sent certain of their own number to make complaint to their husbands that they were carrying on the war with the Messenians on unequal terms, for the Messenians, staying in their own country, were begetting children, whereas they, having abandoned their wives to widowhood, were on an expedition in the country of the enemy, and they complained that the fatherland was in danger of being in want of men; and the Lacedaemonians, both keeping their oath and at the same time bearing in mind the argument of the women, sent the men who were most vigorous and at the same time youngest, for they knew that these had not taken part in the oaths, because they were still children when they went out to war along with the men who were of military age; and they ordered them to cohabit with the maidens, every man with every maiden, thinking that thus the maidens would bear many more children; and when this was done, the children were named Partheniae. But as for Messene, it was captured after a war of nineteen years, as Tyrtaeus says: "About it they fought for nineteen years, relentlessly, with heart ever steadfast, did the fathers of our fathers, spearmen they; and in the twentieth the people forsook their fertile farms and fled from the great mountains of Ithome." Now the Lacedaemonians divided up Messenia among themselves, but when they came on back home they would not honor the Partheniae with civic rights like the rest, on the ground that they had been born out of wedlock; and the Partheniae, leaguing with the Helots, formed a plot against the Lacedaemonians and agreed to raise a Laconian cap in the market-place as a signal for the attack. But though some of the Helots had revealed the plot, the Lacedaemonians decided that it would be difficult to make a counter-attack against them, for the Helots were not only numerous but were all of one mind, regarding themselves as virtually brothers of one another, and merely charged those who were about to raise the signal to go away from the marketplace. So the plotters, on learning that the undertaking had been betrayed, held back, and the Lacedaemonians persuaded them, through the influence of their fathers, to go forth and found a colony, and if the place they took possession of sufficed them, to stay there, but if not, to come on back and divide among themselves the fifth part of Messenia. And they, thus sent forth, found the Achaeans at war with the barbarians, took part in their perils, and founded Taras.

 

 

006.003.004

 ἴσχυσαν δέ ποτε οἱ Ταραντῖνοι καθ' ὑπερβολὴν πολιτευόμενοι δημοκρατικῶς· καὶ γὰρ ναυτικὸν ἐκέκτηντο μέγιστον τῶν ταύτῃ καὶ πεζοὺς ἔστελλον τρισμυρίους, ἱππέας δὲ τρισχιλίους, ἱππάρχους δὲ χιλίους. ἀπεδέξαντο δὲ καὶ τὴν Πυθαγόρειον φιλοσοφίαν, διαφερόντως δ' Ἀρχύτας, ὃς καὶ προέστη τῆς πόλεως πολὺν χρόνον. ἐξίσχυσε δ' ἡ ὕστερον τρυφὴ διὰ τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν, ὥστε τὰς πανδήμους ἑορτὰς πλείους ἄγεσθαι κατ' ἔτος παρ' αὐτοῖς ἢ τὰς ἡμέρας· ἐκ δὲ τούτου καὶ χεῖρον ἐπολιτεύοντο. ἓν δὲ τῶν φαύλων πολιτευμάτων τεκμήριόν ἐστι τὸ ξενικοῖς στρατηγοῖς χρῆσθαι· καὶ γὰρ τὸν Μολοττὸν Ἀλέξανδρον μετεπέμψαντο ἐπὶ Μεσσαπίους καὶ Λευκανούς, καὶ ἔτι πρότερον Ἀρχίδαμον τὸν Ἀγησιλάου καὶ ὕστερον Κλεώνυμον καὶ Ἀγαθοκλέα, εἶτα Πύρρον, ἡνίκα συνέστησαν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους. οὐδ' ἐκείνοις δ' εὐπειθεῖν ἠδύναντο οὓς ἐπεκαλοῦντο, ἀλλ' εἰς ἔχθραν αὐτοὺς καθίστασαν. ὁ γοῦν Ἀλέξανδρος τὴν κοινὴν Ἑλλήνων τῶν ταύτῃ πανήγυριν, ἣν ἔθος ἦν ἐν Ἡρακλείᾳ συντελεῖν τῆς Ταραντίνης, μετάγειν ἐπειρᾶτο εἰς τὴν Θουρίαν κατὰ ἔχθος, ἐκέλευέ τε κατὰ τὸν Ἀκάλανδρον ποταμὸν τειχίζειν τόπον, ὅπου ἔσοιντο αἱ σύνοδοι· καὶ δὴ καὶ ἡ συμβᾶσα αὐτῷ κακοπραγία διὰ τὴν ἐκείνων ἀγνωμοσύνην ἀπαντῆσαι λέγεται. πρὸς δὲ Μεσσαπίους ἐπολέμησαν περὶ Ἡρακλείας, ἔχοντες συνεργοὺς τόν τε τῶν Δαυνίων καὶ τὸν τῶν Πευκετίων βασιλέα. περί τε τὰ Ἀννίβεια καὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀφῃρέθησαν, ὕστερον δ' ἀποικίαν Ῥωμαίων δεξάμενοι καθ' ἡσυχίαν ζῶσι καὶ βέλτιον ἢ πρότερον.

At one time the Tarantini were exceedingly powerful, that is, when they enjoyed a democratic government; for they not only had acquired the largest fleet of all peoples in that part of the world but were wont to send forth an army of thirty thousand infantry, three thousand cavalry, and one thousand commanders of cavalry. Moreover, the Pythagorean philosophy was embraced by them, but especially by Archytas, {186} who presided over the city for a considerable time. But later, because of their prosperity, luxury prevailed to such an extent that the public festivals celebrated among them every year were more in number than the days of the year; and in consequence of this they also were poorly governed. One evidence of their bad policies is the fact that they employed foreign generals; for they sent for Alexander {187} the Molossian to lead them in their war against the Messapians and Leucanians, and, still before that, for Archidamus, {188} the son of Agesilaüs, and, later on, for Cleonymus, {189} and Agathocles, {190} and then for Pyrrhus, {191} at the time when they formed a league with him against the Romans. And yet even to those whom they called in they could not yield a ready obedience, and would set them at enmity. At all events, it was out of enmity that Alexander tried to transfer to Thurian territory the general festival assembly of all Greek peoples in that part of the world--the assembly which was wont to meet at Heracleia in Tarantine territory, and that he began to urge that a place for the meetings be fortified on the Acalandrus River. Furthermore, it is said that the unhappy end which befell him {192} was the result of their ingratitude. Again, about the time of the wars with Hannibal, they were deprived of their freedom, although later they received a colony of Romans, and are now living at peace and better than before. In their war against the Messapians for the possession of Heracleia, they had the co-operation of the king of the Daunians and the king of the Peucetians.

186. Archytas (about 427-347 B.C.), besides being chosen seven times as chief magistrate ("strategus") of Tarentum, was famous as general, Pythagorean philosopher, mathematician, and author. Aristotle and Aristoxenus wrote works on his life and writings, but both of these works are now lost.

187. Alexander I was appointed king of Epeirus by Philip of Macedonia about 342 B.C., and was killed by a Luecanian about 330 B.C. (cp. 6. 1. 5).

188. Archidamus III, king of Sparta, was born about 400 B.C. and lost his life in 338 B.C. in this war.

189. Little is know of this Cleonymus, save that he was the son of Cleomenes II, who reigned at Sparta 370-309 B.C.

190. Agathocles (b. about 361 B.C.--d. 289 B.C.) was a tyrant of Syracuse. He appears to have led the Tarantini about 300 B.C.

191. Pyrrhus (about 318-272 B.C.), king of Epeirus, accepted the invitation of Tarentum in 281 B.C.

192. 6. 1. 5.

 

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 ἡ δ' ἑξῆς τῶν Ἰαπύγων χώρα παραδόξως ἐστὶν ἀστεία· ἐπιπολῆς γὰρ φαινομένη τραχεῖα εὑρίσκεται βαθύγειος σχιζομένη, ἀνυδροτέρα δ' οὖσα εὔβοτος οὐδὲν ἧττον καὶ εὔδενδρος ὁρᾶται. εὐάνδρησε δέ ποτε καὶ τοῦτο σφόδρα τὸ χωρίον σύμπαν καὶ ἔσχε πόλεις τρισκαίδεκα, ἀλλὰ νῦν πλὴν Τάραντος καὶ Βρεντεσίου τἆλλα πολισμάτιά ἐστιν· οὕτως ἐκπεπόνηνται. τοὺς δὲ Σαλεντίνους Κρητῶν ἀποίκους φασίν· ἐνταῦθα δ' ἐστὶ καὶ τὸ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἱερὸν πλούσιόν ποτε ὑπάρξαν, καὶ ὁ σκόπελος, ὃν καλοῦσιν ἄκραν Ἰαπυγίαν, πολὺς ἐκκείμενος εἰς τὸ πέλαγος καὶ τὰς χειμερινὰς ἀνατολάς, ἐπιστρέφων δέ πως ἐπὶ τὸ Λακίνιον ἀνταῖρον ἀπὸ τῆς ἑσπέρας αὐτῷ καὶ κλεῖον τὸ στόμα τοῦ Ταραντίνου κόλπου πρὸς αὐτόν. καὶ τὰ Κεραύνια δ' ὁμοίως ὄρη κλείει πρὸς αὐτὸν τὸ στόμα τοῦ Ἰονίου κόλπου, καὶ ἔστι τὸ δίαρμα ὅσον ἑπτακοσίων σταδίων ἀπ' αὐτοῦ πρός τε τὰ Κεραύνια καὶ πρὸς τὸ Λακίνιον. περίπλους δ' ἐκ Τάραντός ἐστιν εἰς Βρεντέσιον μέχρι μὲν Βάριδος πολίχνης ἑξακόσιοι στάδιοι· καλοῦσι δὲ Βᾶριν οἱ νῦν Ὀυερητόν, κεῖται δ' ἐπὶ τοῖς ἄκροις τῆς Σαλεντίνης, καὶ τὸ πολὺ πεζῇ μᾶλλον ἢ κατὰ πλοῦν εἰς αὐτὴν ἐκ τοῦ Τάραντος εὐμαρὴς ἡ ἄφιξίς ἐστιν. ἔνθεν εἰς τὰ Λευκὰ στάδιοι ὀγδοήκοντα, πολίχνιον καὶ τοῦτο, ἐν ᾧ δείκνυται πηγὴ δυσώδους ὕδατος· μυθεύουσι δ' ὅτι τοὺς περιλειφθέντας τῶν γιγάντων ἐν τῇ κατὰ Καμπανίαν Φλέγρᾳ Λευτερνίους καλουμένους Ἡρακλῆς ἐξελάσειε, καταφυγόντες δἐ δεῦρο ὑπὸ γῆς περισταλεῖεν, ἐκ δὲ ἰχώρων τοιοῦτον ἴσχοι ῥεῦμα ἡ πηγή· διὰ τοῦτο δὲ καὶ τὴν παραλίαν ταύτην Λευτερνίαν προσαγορεύουσιν. ἐκ δὲ τῶν Λευκῶν εἰς Ὑδροῦντα πολίχνην ἑκατὸν πεντήκοντα· ἐντεῦθεν δ' εἰς Βρεντέσιον τετρακόσιοι· οἱ δ' ἴσοι καὶ εἰς Σάσωνα τὴν νῆσον, ἥτις μέση πως ἵδρυται τοῦ διάρματος τοῦ ἐκ τῆς Ἠπείρου πρὸς τὸ Βρεντέσιον· διόπερ οἱ μὴ δυνάμενοι κρατεῖν τῆς εὐθυπλοίας καταίρουσιν ἐν ἀριστερᾷ ἐκ τοῦ Σάσωνος πρὸς τὸν Ὑδροῦντα, ἐντεῦθεν δὲ τηρήσαντες φορὸν πνεῦμα προσέχουσι τοῖς μὲν Βρεντεσίνων λιμέσιν, ἐκβάντες δὲ πεζεύουσι συντομώτερον ἐπὶ Ῥοδιῶν πόλεως Ἑλληνίδος, ἐξ ἧς ἦν ὁ ποιητὴς Ἔννιος. ἔοικεν οὖν χερρονήσῳ τὸ περιπλεόμενον χωρίον ἐκ Τάραντος εἰς Βρεντέσιον· ἡ δ' ἐκ Βρεντεσίου πεζευομένη ὁδὸς εἰς τὸν Τάραντα, εὐζώνῳ μιᾶς οὖσα ἡμέρας, τὸν ἰσθμὸν ποιεῖ τῆς εἰρημένης χερρονήσου, ἣν Μεσσαπίαν τε καὶ Ἰαπυγίαν καὶ Καλαβρίαν καὶ Σαλεντίνην κοινῶς οἱ πολλοὶ προσαγορεύουσι· τινὲς δὲ διαιροῦσιν, ὡς ἐλέγομεν πρότερον.

That part of the country of the Iapygians which comes next is fine, though in an unexpected way; for although on the surface it appears rough, it is found to be deep-soiled when ploughed, and although it is rather lacking in water, it is manifestly none the less good for pasturage and for trees. The whole of this district was once extremely populous; and it also had thirteen cities; but now, with the exception of Taras and Brentesium, all of them are so worn out by war that they are merely small towns. The Salentini are said to be a colony of the Cretans. The temple of Athene, once so rich, is in their territory, as also the look-out-rock called Cape Iapygia, a huge rock which extends out into the sea towards the winter sunrise, {193} though it bends approximately towards the Lacinium, which rises opposite to it on the west and with it bars the mouth of the Tarantine Gulf. And with it the Ceraunian Mountains, likewise, bar the mouth of the Ionian Gulf; the passage across from it both to the Ceraunian Mountains and to the Lacinium is about seven hundred stadia. But the distance by sea from Taras around to Brentesium is as follows: First, to the small town of Baris, six hundred stadia; Baris is called by the people of today Veretum, is situated at the edge of the Salentine territory, and the trip thither from Taras is for the most part easier to make on foot than by sailing. Thence to Leuca eighty stadia; this, too, is a small town, and in it is to be seen a fountain of malodorous water; the mythical story is told that those of the Giants who survived at the Campanian Phlegra {194} and are called the Leuternian Giants were driven out by Heracles, and on fleeing hither for refuge were shrouded by Mother Earth, and the fountain gets its malodorous stream from the ichor of their bodies; and for this reason, also, the seaboard here is called Leuternia. Again, from Leuca to Hydrus, {195} a small town, one hundred and fifty stadia. Thence to Brentesium four hundred; and it is an equal distance to the island Sason, {196} which is situated about midway of the distance across from Epeirus to Brentesium. And therefore those who cannot accomplish the straight voyage sail to the left of Sason and put in at Hydrus; and then, watching for a favorable wind, they hold their course towards the harbors of the Brentesini, although if they disembark, they go afoot by a shorter route by way of Rodiae, {197} a Greek city, where the poet Ennius was born. So then, the district one sails around in going from Taras to Brentesium resembles a peninsula, and the overland journey from Brentesium to Taras, which is only a one day's journey for a man well-girt, forms the isthmus of the aforesaid peninsula; {198} and this peninsula most people call by one general name Messapia, or Iapygia, or Calabria, or Salentina, although some divide it up, as I have said before. {199} So much, then, for the towns on the seacoast.

193. i.e., south-east.

194. See 5. 4. 4 and 5. 4. 6.

195. Also called Hydruntum; now Otranto.

196. Now Sasena.

197. Also called Rudiae; now Rugge.

198. 6. 3. 1.

199. 6. 3. 1.

 

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 τὰ μὲν οὖν ἐν τῷ παράπλῳ πολίχνια εἴρηται. ἐν δὲ τῇ μεσογαίᾳ Ῥοδίαι τέ εἰσι καὶ Λουπίαι καὶ μικρὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς θαλάττης Ἀλητία· ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ ἰσθμῷ μέσῳ Οὐρία, ἐν ᾖ βασίλειον ἔτι δείκνυται τῶν δυναστῶν τινος. εἰρηκότος δ' Ἡροδότου Ὑρίαν εἶναι ἐν τῇ Ἰαπυγίᾳ κτίσμα Κρητῶν τῶν πλανηθέντων ἐκ τοῦ Μίνω στόλου τοῦ εἰς Σικελίαν, ἤτοι ταύτην δεῖ δέχεσθαι ἢ τὸ Ὀυερητόν. Βρεντέσιον δ' ἐποικῆσαι μὲν λέγονται Κρῆτες οἱ μετὰ Θησέως ἐπελθόντες ἐκ Κνωσσοῦ, εἴθ' οἱ ἐκ τῆς Σικελίας ἀπηρκότες μετὰ τοῦ Ἰάπυγος λέγεται γὰρ ἀμφοτέρως · οὐ συμμεῖναι δέ φασιν αὐτούς, ἀλλ' ἀπελθεῖν εἰς τὴν Βοττιαίαν. ὕστερον δὲ ἡ πόλις βασιλευομένη πολλὴν ἀπέβαλε τῆς χώρας ὑπὸ τῶν μετὰ Φαλάνθου Λακεδαιμονίων, ὅμως δ' ἐκπεσόντα αὐτὸν ἐκ τοῦ Τάραντος ἐδέξαντο οἱ Βρεντεσῖνοι, καὶ τελευτήσαντα ἠξίωσαν λαμπρᾶς ταφῆς. χώραν δ' ἔχουσι βελτίω τῆς Ταραντίνων· λεπτόγεως γὰρ ἐκείνη, χρηστόκαρπος δέ, μέλι δὲ καὶ ἔρια τῶν σφόδρα ἐπαινουμένων ἐστί. καὶ εὐλίμενον δὲ μᾶλλον τὸ Βρεντέσιον· ἑνὶ γὰρ στόματι πολλοὶ κλείονται λιμένες ἄκλυστοι, κόλπων ἀπολαμβανομένων ἐντός, ὥστ' ἐοικέναι κέρασιν ἐλάφου τὸ σχῆμα, ἀφ' οὗ καὶ τοὔνομα· σὺν γὰρ τῇ πόλει κεφαλῇ μάλιστα ἐλάφου προσέοικεν ὁ τόπος, τῇ δὲ Μεσσαπίᾳ γλώττῃ βρέντιον ἡ κεφαλὴ τοῦ ἐλάφου καλεῖται. ὁ δὲ Ταραντῖνος οὐ παντελῶς ἐστιν ἄκλυστος διὰ τὸ ἀναπεπτάσθαι, καί τινα καὶ προσβραχῆ ἔχει τὰ περὶ τὸν μυχόν.

In the interior are Rodiae and Lupiae, and, slightly above the sea, Aletia; and at the middle of the isthmus, Uria, in which is still to be seen the palace of one of the chieftains. When Herodotus {200} states that Hyria is in Iapygia and was founded by the Cretans who strayed from the fleet of Minos when on its way to Sicily, {201} we must understand Hyria to be either Uria or Veretum. Brentesium, they say, was further colonized by the Cretans, whether by those who came over with Theseus from Cnossus or by those who set sail from Sicily with Iapyx (the story is told both ways), although they did not stay together there, it is said, but went off to Bottiaea. {202} Later on, however, when ruled by kings, the city lost much of its country to the Lacedaemonians who were under the leadership of Phalanthus; but still, when he was ejected from Taras, he was admitted by the Brentesini, and when he died was counted by them worthy of a splendid burial. Their country is better than that of the Tarantini, for, though the soil is thin, it produces good fruits, and its honey and wool are among those that are strongly commended. Brentesium is also better supplied with harbors; for here many harbors are closed in by one mouth; and they are sheltered from the waves, because bays are formed inside in such a way as to resemble in shape a stag's horns; {203} and hence the name, for, along with the city, the place very much resembles a stag's head, and in the Messapian language the head of the stag is called "brentesium." {204} But the Tarantine harbor, because of its wide expanse, is not wholly sheltered from the waves; and besides there are some shallows in the innermost part of it. {205}

200. 7. 170.

201. Cp. 6. 3. 2.

202. Cp. 6. 3. 2, where Antiochus says that some of them went to Bottiaea.

203. So, too, the gulf, or bay, at Byzantium resembles a stag's horn (7. 6. 2).

204. Stephanus Byzantinus says: "According to Seleucus, in his second book on Languages, 'brentium' is the Messapian word for 'the head of the stag.'" Hence the editors who emend "brentesium" to "brentium" are almost certainly correct.

205. Here, as in 6. 3. 1., Strabo is speaking of the inner harbor (Mare Piccolo), not the outer, of which, as Tozer (p. 184) says, Strabo takes no account.

 

006.003.007

 ἔτι δὲ τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος καὶ τῆς Ἀσίας διαίρουσιν εὐθύπλοια μᾶλλόν ἐστιν ἐπὶ τὸ Βρεντέσιον, καὶ δὴ καὶ δεῦρο πάντες καταίρουσιν οἷς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην πρόκειται ὁδός. δύο δέ εἰσι, μία μὲν ἡμιονικὴ διὰ Πευκετίων, οὓς Ποιδίκλους καλοῦσι, καὶ Δαυνίων καὶ Σαυνιτῶν μέχρι Βενεουεντοῦ, ἐφ' ᾖ ὁδῷ Ἐγνατία πόλις, εἶτα Καιλία καὶ Νήτιον καὶ Κανύσιον καὶ Ἑρδωνία· ἡ δὲ διὰ Τάραντος μικρὸν ἐν ἀριστερᾷ ὅσον δὴ μιᾶς ἡμέρας περίοδον κυκλεύσαντι, ἡ Ἀππία λεγομένη, ἁμαξήλατος μᾶλλον· ἐν ταύτῃ δὲ πόλις Οὐρία τε καὶ Ὀυενουσία, ἡ μὲν μεταξὺ Τάραντος καὶ Βρεντεσίου, ἡ δ' ἐν μεθορίοις Σαυνιτῶν καὶ Λευκανῶν. συμβάλλουσι δὲ ἄμφω κατὰ Βενεουεντὸν καὶ τὴν Καμπανίαν ἐκ τοῦ Βρεντεσίου. τοὐντεῦθεν δ' ἤδη μέχρι τῆς Ῥώμης Ἀππία καλεῖται, διὰ Καυδίου καὶ Καλατίας καὶ Καπύης καὶ Κασιλίνου μέχρι Σινοέσσης· τὰ δ' ἐνθένδε εἴρηται. ἡ δὲ πᾶσά ἐστιν ἐκ Ῥώμης εἰς Βρεντέσιον μίλια τριακόσια ἑξήκοντα. τρίτη δ' ἐστὶν ἐκ Ῥηγίου διὰ Βρεττίων καὶ Λευκανῶν καὶ τῆς Σαυνίτιδος εἰς τὴν Καμπανίαν, συνάπτουσα εἰς τὴν Ἀππίαν, μακροτέρα τῆς ἐκ Βρεντεσίου τρισὶν ἢ τέτταρσιν ἡμέραις διὰ τῶν Ἀπεννίνων ὀρῶν.

In the case of those who sail across from Greece or Asia, the more direct route is to Brentesium, and, in fact, all who propose to go to Rome by land put into port here. There are two roads {206} from here: one, a mule-road through the countries of the Peucetii (who are called Poedicli), {207} the Daunii, and the Samnitae as far as Beneventum; on this road is the city of Egnatia, {208} and then, Celia, {209} Netium, {210} Canusium, and Herdonia. {211} But the road by way of Taras, lying slightly to the left of the other, though as much as one day's journey out of the way when one has made the circuit, {212} what is called the Appian Way, is better for carriages. On this road are the cities of Uria and Venusia, the former between Taras and Brentesium and the latter on the confines of the Samnitae and the Leucani. Both the roads from Brentesium meet near Beneventum and Campania. And the common road from here on, as far as Rome, is called the Appian Way, and passes through Caudium, {213} Calatia, {214} Capua, {215} and Casilinum to Sinuessa. {216} And the places from there on I have already mentioned. The total length of the road from Rome to Brentesium is three hundred and sixty miles. But there is also a third road, which runs from Rhegium through the countries of the Brettii, the Leucani, and the Samnitae into Campania, where it joins the Appian Way; it passes through the Apennine Mountains and it requires three or four days more than the road from Brentesium.

206. On these roads see Ashby and Gardner, The Via Trajana, Paper of the British School at Rome, 1916, Vol.VIII, No. 5, pp. 107 ff.

207. Cp. 6. 3. 1.

208. Also spelled Gnathia, Gnatia, and Ignatia; now Torre d'Agnazzo.

209. Also spelled Caelia; now Ceglie di Bari.

210. Now Noja.

211. Now Ordona.

212. i.e., to the point where it meets the other road, near Beneventum.

213. Now Montesarchio.

214. Now Galazze.

215. The old Santa Maria di Capua, now in ruins; not the Capua of today, which is on the site of Casilinum.

216. Now Mondragone.

 

006.003.008

 ὁ δ' εἰς τὴν περαίαν ἐκ τοῦ Βρεντεσίου πλοῦς ἐστὶν ὁ μὲν ἐπὶ τὰ Κεραύνια καὶ τὴν ἑξῆς παραλίαν τῆς τε Ἠπείρου καὶ τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ὁ δ' εἰς Ἐπίδαμνον μείζων τοῦ προτέρου· χιλίων γάρ ἐστι καὶ ὀκτακοσίων σταδίων· τέτριπται δὲ καὶ οὗτος διὰ τὸ τὴν πόλιν εὐφυῶς κεῖσθαι πρός τε τὰ τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν ἔθνη καὶ τὰ τῶν Μακεδόνων. παραπλέοντι δ' ἐκ τοῦ Βρεντεσίου τὴν Ἀδριατικὴν παραλίαν πόλις ἐστὶν ἡ Ἐγνατία, οὖσα κοινὴ καταγωγὴ πλέοντί τε καὶ πεζεύοντι εἰς Βάριον· ὁ δὲ πλοῦς νότῳ. μέχρι δεῦρο μὲν Πευκέτιοι κατὰ θάλατταν, ἐν τῇ μεσογαίᾳ δὲ μέχρι Σιλουίου· πᾶσα δὲ τραχεῖα καὶ ὀρεινή, πολὺ τῶν Ἀπεννίνων ὀρῶν κοινωνοῦσα· ἀποίκους δ' Ἀρκάδας δέξασθαι δοκεῖ. εἰσὶ δ' ἐκ Βρεντεσίου εἰς Βάριον ἑπτακόσιοί που στάδιοι· σχεδὸν δ' ἴσον ἑκατέρας Τάρας διέχει· τὴν δὲ συνεχῆ Δαύνιοι νέμονται, εἶτα Ἄπουλοι μέχρι Φρεντανῶν. ἀνάγκη δέ, Πευκετίων καὶ Δαυνίων μηδ' ὅλως λεγομένων ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπιχωρίων πλὴν εἰ τὸ παλαιόν, ἁπάσης δὲ ταύτης τῆς χώρας Ἀπουλίας λεγομένης νυνί, μηδὲ τοὺς ὅρους ἐπ' ἀκριβὲς λέγεσθαι τῶν ἐθνῶν τούτων· διόπερ οὐδ' ἡμῖν διισχυριστέον περὶ αὐτῶν.

The voyage from Brentesium to the opposite mainland is made either to the Ceraunian Mountains and those parts of the seaboard of Epeirus and of Greece which come next to them, or else to Epidamnus; the latter is longer than the former, for it is one thousand eight hundred stadia. {217} And yet the latter is the usual route, because the city has a good position with reference both to the tribes of the Illyrians and to those of the Macedonians. As one sails from Brentesium along the Adriatic seaboard, one comes to the city of Egnatia, which is the common stopping-place for people who are travelling either by sea or land to Barium; {218} and the voyage is made with the south wind. The country of the Peucetii extends only thus far {219} on the sea, but in the interior as far as Silvium. {220} All of it is rugged and mountainous, since it embraces a large portion of the Apennine Mountains; and it is thought to have admitted Arcadians as colonists. From Brentesium to Barium is about seven hundred stadia, and Taras is about an equal distance from each. The adjacent country is inhabited by the Daunii; and then come the Apuli, whose country extends as far as that of the Frentani. But since the terms "Peucetii" and "Daunii" are not at all used by the native inhabitants, except in early times, and since this country as a whole is now called Apulia, necessarily the boundaries of these tribes cannot be told to a nicety either, and for this reason neither should I myself make positive assertions about them.

217. Strabo has already said the the voyage from Brentesium to Epeirus by way of Sason (Saseno) was about 800 stadia (6. 3. 5). But Strabo was much out of the way, and apparently was not on the regular route. Again, Epidamnus (now Durazzo) is in fact only about 800 stadia distant, not 1,800 as the text makes Strabo say. It is probable, therefore, that Strabo said either simply " for it is 800 stadia," or "for it is 1,000 stadia, while the former is 800.

218. Now Bari.

219. To Barium.

220. Silvium appears to have been on the site of what is now Garagone.

 

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 ἐκ δὲ Βαρίου πρὸς τὸν ποταμὸν Αὔφιδον, ἐφ' ᾧ τὸ ἐμπόριον τῶν Κανυσιτῶν, τετρακόσιοι· ὁ δ' ἀνάπλους ἐπὶ τὸ ἐμπόριον ἐνενήκοντα. πλησίον δὲ καὶ Σαλαπία τὸ τῶν Ἀργυριππίνων ἐπίνειον. οὐ πολὺ γὰρ δὴ τῆς θαλάττης ὑπέρκεινται δύο πόλεις ἔν γε τῷ πεδίῳ, μέγισται τῶν Ἰταλιωτίδων γεγονυῖαι πρότερον, ὡς ἐκ τῶν περιβόλων δῆλον, τό τε Κανύσιον καὶ ἡ Ἀργυρίππα, ἀλλὰ νῦν ἐλάττων ἐστίν. ἐκαλεῖτο δ' ἐξ ἀρχῆς Ἄργος ἵππιον, εἶτ' Ἀργυρίππα, εἶτα νῦν Ἄρποι. λέγονται δ' ἀμφότεραι Διομήδους κτίσματα· καὶ τὸ πεδίον καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ δείκνυται τῆς Διομήδους ἐν τούτοις τοῖς τόποις δυναστείας σημεῖα, ἐν μὲν τῷ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἱερῷ τῆς ἐν Λουκερίᾳ παλαιὰ ἀναθήματα καὶ αὕτη δ' ὑπῆρξε πόλις ἀρχαία Δαυνίων, νῦν δὲ τεταπείνωται , ἐν δὲ τῇ πλησίον θαλάττῃ δύο νῆσοι Διομήδειαι προσαγορευόμεναι, ὧν ἡ μὲν οἰκεῖται, τὴν δ' ἐρήμην φασὶν εἶναι· ἐν ᾖ καὶ τὸν Διομήδη μυθεύουσιν ἀφανισθῆναί τινες καὶ τοὺς ἑταίρους ἀπορνιθωθῆναι, καὶ δὴ καὶ νῦν διαμένειν ἡμέρους καὶ βίον τινὰ ζῆν ἀνθρώπινον τάξει τε διαίτης καὶ τῇ πρὸς ἀνθρώπους ἡμερότητι τοὺς ἐπιεικεῖς, ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν κακούργων καὶ μιαρῶν φυγῇ. εἴρηται δὲ καὶ τὰ παρὰ τοῖς Ἑνετοῖς διατεθρυλημένα περὶ τοῦ ἥρωος τούτου καὶ αἱ νομισθεῖσαι τιμαί. δοκεῖ δὲ καὶ ὁ Σιποῦς Διομήδους εἶναι κτίσμα διέχων τῆς Σαλαπίας ὅσον τετταράκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν σταδίους, καὶ ὠνομάζετό γε Σηπιοῦς Ἑλληνικῶς ἀπὸ τῶν ἐκκυματιζομένων σηπιῶν. μεταξὺ δὲ τῆς Σαλαπίας καὶ τοῦ Σιποῦντος ποταμός τε πλωτὸς καὶ στομαλίμνη μεγάλη· δι' ἀμφοῖν δὲ τὰ ἐκ Σιποῦντος κατάγεται καὶ μάλιστα ὁ σῖτος. δείκνυται δὲ τῆς Δαυνίας περὶ λόφον ᾧ ὄνομα Δρίον ἡρῷα, τὸ μὲν Κάλχαντος ἐπ' ἄκρᾳ τῇ κορυφῇ ἐναγίζουσι δ' αὐτῷ μέλανα κριὸν οἱ μαντευόμενοι, ἐγκοιμώμενοι ἐν τῷ δέρματι , τὸ δὲ Ποδαλειρίου κάτω πρὸς τῇ ῥίζῃ διέχον τῆς θαλάττης ὅσον σταδίους ἑκατόν· ῥεῖ δ' ἐξ αὐτοῦ ποτάμιον πάνακες πρὸς τὰς τῶν θρεμμάτων νόσους. πρόκειται δὲ τοῦ κόλπου τούτου πελάγιον ἀκρωτήριον ἐπὶ τριακοσίους ἀνατεῖνον σταδίους πρὸς τὰς ἀνατολὰς τὸ Γάργανον, κάμπτοντι δὲ τὴν ἄκραν πολισμάτιον Οὔριον καὶ πρὸ τῆς ἄκρας αἱ Διομήδειαι νῆσοι. ἔστι δὲ πᾶσα ἡ χώρα αὕτη πάμφορός τε καὶ πολυφόρος, ἵπποις δὲ καὶ προβάτοις ἀρίστη· ἡ δ' ἐρέα μαλακωτέρα μὲν τῆς Ταραντίνης ἐστί, λαμπρὰ δὲ ἧττον. ἡ δὲ χώρα εὐδινὴ διὰ τὴν κοιλότητα τῶν πεδίων. οἱ δὲ καὶ διώρυγα τεμεῖν ἐπιχειρῆσαί φασι τὸν Διομήδη μέχρι τῆς θαλάττης, καταλιπεῖν δ' ἡμιτελῆ καὶ ταύτην καὶ τὰς ἄλλας πράξεις μετάπεμπτον οἴκαδε γενόμενον, κἀκεῖ καταστρέψαι τὸν βίον. εἷς μὲν οὗτος ὁ λόγος περὶ αὐτοῦ, δεύτερος δ' ὡς αὐτόθι μείνειε μέχρι καταστροφῆς τοῦ βίου, τρίτος δ' ὁ μυθώδης ὃν προεῖπον τὸν ἐν τῇ νήσῳ λέγων ἀφανισμόν, τέταρτον δὲ θείη τις ἂν τὸν τῶν Ἑνετῶν· καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνοι παρὰ σφίσι πως τὴν καταστροφὴν αὐτοῦ μυθεύουσιν, ἣν ἀποθέωσιν καλοῦσι.

From Barium to the Aufidus River, on which is the Emporium of the Canusitae {221} is four hundred stadia and the voyage inland to Emporium is ninety. Near by is also Salapia, {222} the seaport of the Argyrippini. For not far above the sea (in the plain, at all events) are situated two cities, Canusium {223} and Argyrippa, {224} which in earlier times were the largest of the Italiote cities, as is clear from the circuits of their walls. Now, however, Argyrippa is smaller; it was called Argos Hippium at first, then Argyrippa, and then by the present name Arpi. Both are said to have been founded by Diomedes. {225} And as signs of the dominion of Diomedes in these regions are to be seen the Plain of Diomedes and many other things, among which are the old votive offerings in the temple of Athene at Luceria--a place which likewise was in ancient times a city of the Daunii, but is now reduced--and, in the sea near by, two islands that are called the Islands of Diomedes, of which one is inhabited, while the other, it is said, is desert; on the latter, according to certain narrators of myths, Diomedes was caused to disappear, and his companions were changed to birds, and to this day, in fact, remain tame and live a sort of human life, not only in their orderly ways but also in their tameness towards honorable men and in their flight from wicked and knavish men. But I have already mentioned the stories constantly told among the Heneti about this hero and the rites which are observed in his honor. {226} It is thought that Sipus {227} also was founded by Diomedes, which is about one hundred and forty stadia distant from Salapia; at any rate it was named "Sepius" in Greek after the "sepia" {228} that are cast ashore by the waves. Between Salapia and Sinus is a navigable river, and also a large lake that opens into the sea; and the merchandise from Sipus, particularly grain, is brought down on both. In Daunia, on a hill by the name of Drium, are to be seen two hero-temples: one, to Calchas, on the very summit, where those who consult the oracle sacrifice to his shade a black ram and sleep in the hide, and the other, to Podaleirius, down near the base of the hill, this temple being about one hundred stadia distant from the sea; and from it flows a stream which is a cure-all for diseases of animals. In front of this gulf is a promontory, Garganum, which extends towards the east for a distance of three hundred stadia into the high sea; doubling the headland, one comes to a small town, Urium, and off the headland are to be seen the Islands of Diomedes. This whole country produces everything in great quantity, and is excellent for horses and sheep; but though the wool is softer than the Tarantine, it is not so glossy. And the country is well sheltered, because the plains lie in hollows. According to some, Diomedes even tried to cut a canal as far as the sea, but left behind both this and the rest of his undertakings only half-finished, because he was summoned home and there ended his life. This is one account of him; but there is also a second, that he stayed here till the end of his life; and a third, the aforesaid mythical account, which tells of his disappearance in the island; and as a fourth one might set down the account of the Heneti, for they too tell a mythical story of how he in some way came to his end in their country, and they call it his apotheosis.

221. This Emporium should probably be identified with the Canne of today (see Ashby and Gardner, op. cit., p. 156).

222. Now Salpi.

223. Now Canosa.

224. Now Arpino.

225. Cp. 5. 1. 9.

226. Cp. 5. 1. 9.

227. In Latin, Sipontum; now in ruins, near Santa Maria di Siponto.

228. Cuttle-fish.

 

006.003.010

 ταῦτα μὲν οὖν κατ' Ἀρτεμίδωρον κεῖται τὰ διαστήματα. φησὶ δ' ὁ χωρογράφος τὰ ἀπὸ τοῦ Βρεντεσίου μέχρι Γαργάνου μιλίων ἑκατὸν ἑξήκοντα πέντε, πλεονάζει δὲ αὐτὰ Ἀρτεμίδωρος· ἐντεῦθεν δ' εἰς Ἀγκῶνα διακόσια πεντήκοντα τέτταρα μίλιά φησιν ἐκεῖνος, ὁ δ' Ἀρτεμίδωρος εἰς Αἶσιν πλησίον ὄντα τοῦ Ἀγκῶνος σταδίους εἴρηκε χιλίους διακοσίους πεντήκοντα, πολὺ ἐνδεέστερον ἐκείνου· Πολύβιος δ' ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰαπυγίας μεμιλιᾶσθαί φησι καὶ εἶναι μίλια πεντακόσια ἑξήκοντα δύο εἰς Σήναν πόλιν, ἐντεῦθεν δ' εἰς Ἀκυληίαν ἑκατὸν ἑβδομήκοντα ὀκτώ. οὐχ ὁμολογοῦντες τῷ φερομένῳ διαστήματι τῆς Ἰλλυρικῆς παραλίας ἀπὸ τῶν Κεραυνίων ὀρῶν ἐπὶ τὸν τοῦ Ἀδρίου μυχόν, ὑπὲρ ἑξακισχιλίων τοῦτον τὸν παράπλουν ἀποφαίνοντες καὶ μείζω καθιστάντες ἐκείνου πολὺ ἐλάττονα ὄντα. καὶ πάντες δὲ πρὸς ἅπαντας μάλιστα περὶ τῶν διαστημάτων οὐχ ὁμολογοῦσι πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ὡς πολλάκις ἐλέγομεν. ἡμεῖς δ' ὅπου μὲν ἐπικρίνειν δυνατόν, ἐκφέρομεν τὸ δοκοῦν ἡμῖν, ὅπου δὲ μή, τὰ ἐκείνων εἰς μέσον οἰόμεθα δεῖν τιθέναι. ἐὰν δὲ μηδὲν παρ' ἐκείνων ἔχωμεν, οὐδὲν θαυμαστὸν οὐδ' εἰ παρελείψαμέν τι καὶ ἡμεῖς, ἐν τοιαύτῃ καὶ ταῦθ' ὑποθέσει· τῶν μὲν γὰρ μεγάλων οὐδὲν ἂν παραλίποιμεν, τὰ δὲ μικρὰ καὶ γνωρισθέντα μικρὸν ὤνησε καὶ παραπεμφθέντα ἔλαθε καὶ οὐδὲν ἢ ὁὖ πολὺ τοῦ παντελοῦς ἔργου παρέλυσε.

Now the above distances are put down in accordance with the data of Artemidorus; {229} but according to the Chorographer, {230} the distances from Brentesium as far as Garganum {231} amount to one hundred and sixty-five miles, whereas according to Artemidorus they amount to more; and thence to Ancona two hundred and fifty-four miles according to the former, whereas according to Artemidorus the distance to the Aesis River, which is near Ancona, is one thousand two hundred and fifty stadia, a much shorter distance. Polybius states that the distance from Iapygia has been marked out by miles, and that the distance to the city of Sena {232} is five hundred and sixty-two miles, and thence to Aquileia one hundred and seventy-eight. And they do not agree with the commonly accepted distance along the Illyrian coastline, from the Ceraunian Mountains to the recess of the Adrias, {233} since they represent this latter coasting voyage as over six thousand stadia, {234} thus making it even longer than the former, although it is much shorter. However, every writer does not agree with every other, particularly about the distances, as I often say. {235} As for myself, where it is possible to reach a decision, I set forth my opinion, but where it is not, I think that I should make known the opinions of others. And when I have no opinion of theirs, there is no occasion for surprise if I too have passed something by, especially when one considers the character of my subject; for I would not pass by anything important, while as for little things, not only do they profit one but slightly if known, but their omission escapes unnoticed, and detracts not at all, or else not much, from the completeness of the work. {236}

229. Artemidorus (flourished about 100 B.C.), of Ephesus, was an extensive traveller and a geographer of great importance. He wrote a geography of the inhabited world in eleven books, a Periplus of the Mediterranean, and Ionian Historical Sketches. But his works, except numerous fragments preserved in other authors, are now lost.

230. See 5. 2. 7 and footnote.

231. Monte Gargano.

232. Sena Gallica; now Sinigaglia.

233. The Adriatic.

234. Polybius here gives the total length of the coastline on the Italian side as 740 miles, or 6,166 stadia (8 1/3 stadia to the mile; see 7. 7. 4), and elsewhere (2. 4. 3) Strabo quotes him as reckoning the length of the Illyrian coastline from the Ceraunian Mts. only to Iapygia (not including Istria) as 6,150 stadia. Cp. also 7. 5. 3, 4, 10.

235. Cp. 1. 2. 13; 2. 1. 7-8, and 2. 4. 3.

236. Cp. 1. 1. 23.

 

006.003.011

 μεταξὺ δ' εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ Γαργάνου κόλπος ὑποδέχεται βαθύς· οἱ δὲ περιοικοῦντες ἰδίως Ἄπουλοι προσαγορεύονται, εἰσὶ δὲ ὁμόγλωττοι μὲν τοῖς Δαυνίοις καὶ Πευκετίοις· οὐδὲ τἆλλα δὲ διαφέρουσιν ἐκείνων τό γε νῦν, τὸ δὲ πάλαι διαφέρειν εἰκός, ὅθενπερ καὶ τὰ ὀνόματα ἐναντία πάντων ἐπικρατεῖν. πρότερον μὲν οὖν ηὐτύχει αὕτη πᾶσα ἡ γῆ, Ἀννίβας δὲ καὶ οἱ ὕστερον πόλεμοι ἠρήμωσαν αὐτήν· ἐνταῦθα δὲ καὶ τὰ περὶ Κάννας συνέβη, ὅπου πλεῖστος ὄλεθρος σωμάτων Ῥωμαίοις καὶ τοῖς συμμάχοις ἐγένετο. ἐν δὲ τῷ κόλπῳ λίμνη ἐστίν, ὑπὲρ δὲ τῆς λίμνης ἐν μεσογαίᾳ τὸ Ἄπουλον Τέανον, ὁμώνυμον τῷ Σιδικίνῳ· καθ' ὃ δοκεῖ συνάγεσθαι τὸ τῆς Ἰταλίας πλάτος ἐφ' ἱκανὸν πρὸς τοὺς περὶ Δικαιάρχειαν τόπους, ἐλαττόνων ἢ χιλίων σταδίων ἀπὸ θαλάττης ἐπὶ θάλατταν ἰσθμὸν καταλεῖπον. μετὰ δὲ τὴν λίμνην ἐπὶ τοὺς Φρεντανοὺς καὶ τὴν Βοῦκαν παράπλους ἐστί· διακόσιοι δ' εἰσὶν ἐφ' ἑκάτερα στάδιοι τῆς λίμνης ἐπί τε τὴν Βοῦκαν καὶ τὸ Γάργανον. τὰ δ' ἑξῆς τοῖς περὶ Βοῦκαν εἴρηται πρότερον.

The intervening space, immediately after Cape Garganum, is taken up by a deep gulf; the people who live around it are called by the special name of Apuli, although they speak the same language as the Daunii and the Peucetii, and do not differ from them in any other respect either, at the present time at least, although it is reasonable to suppose that in early times they differed and that this is the source of the three diverse names for them that are now prevalent. In earlier times this whole country was prosperous, but it was laid waste by Hannibal and the later wars. And here too occurred the battle of Cannae, in which the Romans and their allies suffered a very great loss of life. On the gulf is a lake; and above the lake, in the interior, is Teanum Apulum, {237} which has the same name as Teanum Sidicinum. At this point the breadth of Italy seems to be considerably contracted, since from here to the region of Dicaearcheia {238} an isthmus is left of less than one thousand stadia from sea to sea. After the lake comes the voyage along the coast to the country of the Frentani and to Buca; {239} and the distance from the lake either to Buca or to Cape Garganum is two hundred stadia. As for the places that come next after Buca, I have already mentioned them. {240}

237. Passo di Civita.

238. Puteoli.

239. Now Termoli.

240. 5. 4. 2.

 

006.004.001

 τοσαύτη μὲν δὴ καὶ τοιαύτη τις ἡ Ἰταλία. πολλὰ δ' εἰρηκότων, τὰ μέγιστα νῦν ἐπισημανούμεθα, ὑφ' ὧν εἰς τοσοῦτον ὕψος ἐξήρθησαν Ῥωμαῖοι. ἓν μὲν ὅτι νήσου δίκην ἀσφαλῶς φρουρεῖται τοῖς πελάγεσι κύκλῳ πλὴν ὀλίγων μερῶν, ἃ καὶ αὐτὰ τετείχισται τοῖς ὄρεσι δυσβάτοις οὖσι. δεύτερον δὲ τὸ ἀλίμενον κατὰ τὸ πλεῖστον καὶ τὸ τοὺς ὄντας λιμένας μεγάλους εἶναι καὶ θαυμαστούς, ὧν τὸ μὲν πρὸς τὰς ἔξωθεν ἐπιχειρήσεις χρήσιμον, τὸ δὲ πρὸς τὰς ἀντεπιχειρήσεις καὶ τὴν τῶν ἐμποριῶν ἀφθονίαν συνεργόν. τρίτον δὲ τὸ πολλαῖς ὑποπεπτωκέναι διαφοραῖς ἀέρων τε καὶ κράσεων, παρ' ἃς καὶ ζῷα καὶ φυτὰ καὶ πάνθ' ἁπλῶς τὰ πρὸς τὸν βίον χρήσιμα πλείστην ἐξάλλαξιν ἔχει πρός τε τὸ βέλτιον καὶ τὸ χεῖρον. ἐκτέταται δὲ τὸ μῆκος αὐτῆς ἐπὶ μεσημβρίαν ἀπὸ τῶν ἄρκτων τὸ πλέον, προσθήκη δ' ἐστὶν ἡ Σικελία τῷ μήκει τοσαύτη οὖσα καὶ τοσούτῳ καθάπερ μέρος. εὐκρασία δ' ἀέρων καὶ δυσκρασία κρίνεται παρὰ τὰ ψύχη καὶ τὰ θάλπη καὶ τὰ μεταξὺ τούτων, ὥστ' ἐκ τούτων ἀνάγκη τὴν νῦν Ἰταλίαν ἐν μέσῳ τῶν ὑπερβολῶν ἀμφοτέρων κειμένην τοσαύτην τῷ μήκει πλεῖστον τῆς εὐκράτου μετέχειν καὶ κατὰ πλείστας ἰδέας. τοῦτο δὲ καὶ ἄλλως συμβέβηκεν αὐτῇ· τῶν γὰρ Ἀπεννίνων ὀρῶν δι' ὅλου τοῦ μήκους διατεταμένων, ἐφ' ἑκάτερον δὲ τὸ πλευρὸν πεδία καὶ γεωλοφίας καλλικάρπους ἀπολειπόντων, οὐδὲν μέρος αὐτῆς ἐστιν ὃ μὴ καὶ τῶν ὀρείων ἀγαθῶν καὶ τῶν πεδινῶν ἀπολαῦον τυγχάνει. καὶ προστίθει τὸ μέγεθος καὶ πλῆθος ποταμῶν τε καὶ λιμνῶν, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις θερμῶν τε καὶ ψυχρῶν ὑδάτων ἀναβολὰς πολλαχοῦ πρὸς ὑγίειαν φύσει παρεσκευασμένας, καὶ μὴν καὶ μετάλλων εὐπορίας παντοδαπῶν. ὕλης δὲ καὶ τροφῆς ἀνθρώποις τε καὶ βοσκήμασιν οὐδ' ἀξίως ἐστὶν εἰπεῖν τὴν ἀφθονίαν ὅσην παρέχεται καὶ τὴν χρηστοκαρπίαν. ἐν μέσῳ δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐθνῶν τῶν μεγίστων οὖσα καὶ τῆς Ἑλλάδος καὶ τῶν ἀρίστων τῆς Λιβύης μερῶν τῷ μὲν κρατιστεύειν ἐν ἀρετῇ τε καὶ μεγέθει τὰ περιεστῶτα αὐτὴν πρὸς ἡγεμονίαν εὐφυῶς ἔχει, τῷ δ' ἐγγὺς εἶναι τὸ μετὰ ῥᾳστώνης ὑπουργεῖσθαι πεπόρισται.

Such, indeed, is the size and such the character of Italy. And while I have already mentioned many things which have caused the Romans at the present time to be exalted to so great a height, I shall now indicate the most important things. One is, that, like an island, Italy is securely guarded by the seas on all sides, except in a few regions, and even these are fortified by mountains that are hardly passable. A second is that along most of its coast it is harborless and that the harbors it does have are large and admirable. The former is useful in meeting attacks from the outside, while the latter is helpful in making counter-attacks and in promoting an abundant commerce. A third is that it is characterized by many differences of air and temperature, on which depend the greater variation, whether for better or for worse, in animals, plants, and, in short, everything that is useful for the support of life. {241} Its length extends from north to south, generally speaking, and Sicily counts as an addition to its length, already so great. Now mild temperature and harsh temperature of the air are judged by heat, cold, and their intermediates; {242} and so from this it necessarily follows that what is now Italy, situated as it is between the two extremes and extending to such a length, shares very largely in the temperate zone and in a very large number of ways. And the following is still another advantage which has fallen to the lot of Italy; since the Apennine Mountains extend through the whole of its length and leave on both sides plains and hills which bear fine fruits, there is no part of it which does not enjoy the blessings of both mountain and plain. And add also to this the size and number of its rivers and its lakes, and, besides these, the fountains of water, both hot and cold, which in many places nature has provided as an aid to health, and then again its good supply of mines of all sorts. Neither can one worthily describe Italy's abundant supply of fuel, and of food both for men and beast, and the excellence of its fruits. Further, since it lies intermediate between the largest races {243} on the one hand, and Greece and the best parts of Libya on the other, it not only is naturally well-suited to hegemony, because it surpasses the countries that surround it both in the valor of its people and in size, but also can easily avail itself of their services, because it is close to them.

241. This statement is general and does not apply to Italy alone (cp. 2. 3. 1 and 2. 3. 7).

242. Cp. 2. 3. 1.

243. Iberians, Celts and Germans.

 

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 εἰ δὲ δεῖ τῷ περὶ τῆς Ἰταλίας λόγῳ προσθεῖναί τινα λόγον κεφαλαιώδη καὶ περὶ τῶν Ῥωμαίων τῶν κατασχόντων αὐτὴν καὶ κατεσκευασμένων ὁρμητήριον πρὸς τὴν σύμπασαν ἡγεμονίαν, προσειλήφθω καὶ ταῦτα, ὅτι Ῥωμαῖοι μετὰ τὴν κτίσιν τῆς Ῥώμης βασιλευόμενοι διετέλεσαν σωφρόνως ἐπὶ πολλὰς γενεάς· ἔπειτα τοῦ ἐσχάτου Ταρκυνίου μοχθηρῶς ἄρχοντος, τὸν μὲν ἐξέβαλον πολιτείαν δὲ συνεστήσαντο μικτὴν ἔκ τε μοναρχίας καὶ ἀριστοκρατίας, κοινωνοῖς δ' ἐχρήσαντο Σαβίνοις τε καὶ Λατίνοις· οὐκ εὐγνωμόνων δ' οὔτε ἐκείνων ἀεὶ τυγχάνοντες οὔτε τῶν ἄλλων τῶν πλησιοχώρων ἠναγκάζοντο τρόπον τινὰ τῇ ἐκείνων καταλύσει τὴν σφετέραν ἐπαύξειν. οὕτω δ' αὐτοῖς κατ' ὀλίγον προϊοῦσιν εἰς ἐπίδοσιν συνέβη τὴν πόλιν αἰφνιδίως ἀποβαλεῖν παρὰ τὴν ἁπάντων δόξαν, παρὰ δόξαν δὲ καὶ ἀπολαβεῖν· ἐγένετο δὲ τοῦτο, ὥς φησι Πολύβιος, ἔτει ἐννεακαιδεκάτῳ μετὰ τὴν ἐν Αἰγὸς ποταμοῖς ναυμαχίαν, κατὰ τὴν ἐπ' Ἀνταλκίδου γενομένην εἰρήνην. διακρουσάμενοι δὲ τούτους Ῥωμαῖοι πρῶτον μὲν Λατίνους ἅπαντας ὑπηκόους ἐποιήσαντο, εἶτα Τυρρηνοὺς καὶ Κελτοὺς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Πάδον ἔπαυσαν τῆς πολλῆς καὶ ἀνέδην ἐλευθερίας· εἶτα Σαυνίτας, μετὰ δὲ τούτους Ταραντίνους καὶ Πύρρον κατεπολέμησαν, εἶτ' ἤδη καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν τῆς νῦν Ἰταλίας πλὴν τῆς περὶ τὸν Πάδον. ταύτης δ' ἔτι καθεστώσης ἐν πολέμῳ διέβησαν εἰς τὴν Σικελίαν, ἀφελόμενοι δὲ Καρχηδονίων αὐτὴν ἐπανῆλθον ἐπὶ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Πάδον· συνεστῶτος δ' ἔτι τούτου τοῦ πολέμου παρῆν Ἀννίβας εἰς τὴν Ἰταλίαν· καὶ δεύτερος οὗτος πόλεμος πρὸς Καρχηδονίους συνέπεσε, καὶ μετ' οὐ πολὺ τρίτος, ἐν ᾧ κατεσκάφη Καρχηδών· ἅμα δὲ τήν τε Λιβύην ἔσχον Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ τῆς Ἰβηρίας ὅσον ἀφείλοντο τῶν Καρχηδονίων. συνενεωτέρισαν δὲ τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις οἵ θ' Ἕλληνες καὶ Μακεδόνες καὶ τῆς Ἀσίας οἱ ἐντὸς Ἅλυος καὶ τοῦ Ταύρου· καὶ τούτους οὖν ἅμα συγκατακτᾶσθαι προήχθησαν, ὧν Ἀντίοχός τε ἦν ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ Φίλιππος καὶ Περσεύς. καὶ Ἰλλυριῶν δὲ καὶ Θρᾳκῶν οἱ πλησιόχωροι τοῖς τε Ἕλλησι καὶ Μακεδόσιν ἀρχὰς ἔλαβον τοῦ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους πολέμου, καὶ διετέλεσαν πολεμοῦντες μέχρι καταλύσεως ἁπάντων τῶν ἐντὸς Ἴστρου καὶ τῶν ἐντὸς Ἅλυος. τὰ δ' αὐτὰ ἔπαθον καὶ Ἴβηρες καὶ Κελτοὶ καὶ ἅπαντες οἱ λοιποὶ ὅσοι Ῥωμαίων ὑπακούουσι· τήν τε γὰρ Ἰβηρίαν οὐκ ἐπαύσαντο ὑπαγόμενοι τοῖς ὅπλοις ἕως ἅπασαν κατεστρέψαντο, Νομαντίνους τε ἐξελόντες καὶ Οὐρίαθον καὶ Σερτώριον ὕστερον διαφθείραντες, ὑστάτους δὲ Καντάβρους, οὓς κατέλυσεν ὁ Σεβαστὸς Καῖσαρ· τήν τἐ Κελτικὴν ἅπασαν τήν τε ἐντὸς καὶ τὴν ἐκτὸς σὺν τῇ Λιγυστικῇ πρότερον μὲν κατὰ μέρος ἀεὶ προσήγοντο, ὕστερον δὲ Καῖσαρ ὁ θεὸς καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα ὁ Σεβαστὸς κοινῷ πολέμῳ καὶ ἀθρόως κατεκτήσαντο. νυνὶ δὲ Γερμανοῖς προσπολεμοῦσιν ἀπὸ τούτων ὁρμώμενοι τῶν τόπων ὡς οἰκειοτάτων, καί τισιν ἤδη θριάμβοις κεκοσμήκασιν ἀπ' αὐτῶν τὴν πατρίδα. τῆς δὲ Λιβύης ὅση μὴ Καρχηδονίων βασιλεῦσιν ἐπετέτραπτο ὑπηκόοις οὖσιν, ἀφιστάμενοι δὲ κατελύοντο· νυνὶ δ' εἰς Ἰούβαν περιέστηκεν ἥ τε Μαυρουσία καὶ πολλὰ μέρη τῆς ἄλλης Λιβύης διὰ τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους εὔνοιάν τε καὶ φιλίαν. τὰ δ' ὅμοια καὶ περὶ τὴν Ἀσίαν συνέβη, ἦ κατ' ἀρχὰς μὲν διὰ τῶν βασιλέων διῳκεῖτο ὑπηκόων ὄντων, ὕστερον δ' ἐκλιπόντων ἐκείνων, καθάπερ τῶν Ἀτταλικῶν βασιλέων καὶ Σύρων καὶ Παφλαγόνων καὶ Καππαδόκων καὶ Αἰγυπτίων, ἦ ἀφισταμένων καὶ ἔπειτα καταλυομένων, καθάπερ ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτου συνέβη τοῦ Εὐπάτορος καὶ τῆς Αἰγυπτίας Κλεοπάτρας, ἅπαντα τὰ ἐντὸς Φάσιδος καὶ Εὐφράτου πλὴν Ἀράβων τινῶν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίοις ἐστὶ καὶ τοῖς ὑπ' ἐκείνων ἀποδειχθεῖσι δυνάσταις. Ἀρμένιοι δὲ καὶ οἱ ὑπερκείμενοι τῆς Κολχίδος Ἀλβανοί τε καὶ Ἴβηρες παρουσίας δέονται μόνον τῶν ἡγησομένων, καλῶς δὲ κρατοῦνται· νεωτερίζουσι δὲ διὰ τὰς τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἀπασχολίας, καθάπερ καὶ οἱ πέραν τοῦ Ἴστρου τὸν Εὔξεινον περιοικοῦντες πλὴν τοῦ Βοσπόρου καὶ τῶν νομάδων· τὸ μὲν γὰρ ὑπήκοον τὸ δ' ἄχρηστον εἰς πᾶν διἆ τὸ ἀκοινώνητον, φυλακῆς δὲ μόνον δεόμενον· καὶ τἆλλα δὲ τὰ πολλὰ σκηνιτῶν καὶ νομάδων ἐστὶ πόρρω σφόδρα ὄντων. Παρθυαῖοι δὲ ὅμοροί τε ὄντες καὶ μέγιστον δυνάμενοι τοσοῦτον ὅμως ἐνέδοσαν πρὸς τὴν Ῥωμαίων καὶ τῶν καθ' ἡμᾶς ἡγεμόνων ὑπεροχὴν ὥστ' οὐ μόνον τὰ τρόπαια ἔπεμψαν εἰς Ῥώμην ἃ κατὰ Ῥωμαίων ἀνέστησάν ποτε, ἀλλὰ καὶ παῖδας ἐπίστευσε Φραάτης τῷ Σεβαστῷ Καίσαρι καὶ παίδων παῖδας ἐξομηρευσάμενος θεραπευτικῶς τὴν φιλίαν· οἱ δὲ νῦν μετίασιν ἐνθένδε πολλάκις τὸν βασιλεύσοντα, καὶ σχεδόν τι πλησίον εἰσὶ τοῦ ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίοις ποιῆσαι τὴν σύμπασαν ἐξουσίαν. καὶ αὐτὴν δἐ τὴν Ἰταλίαν διαστᾶσαν πολλάκις, ἀφ' οὗ γε ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίοις ἐστί, καὶ αὐτὴν τὴν Ῥώμην ἡ τῆς πολιτείας ἀρετὴ καὶ τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἐκώλυσεν ἐπὶ πλέον προελθεῖν πλημμελείας καὶ διαφθορᾶς. χαλεπὸν δὲ ἄλλως δἶοικεῖν τὴν τηλικαύτην ἡγεμονίαν ἢ ἑνὶ ἐπιτρέψαντας ὡς πατρί. οὐδέποτε γοῦν εὐπορῆσαι τοσαύτης εἰρήνης καὶ ἀφθονίας ἀγαθῶν ὑπῆρξε Ῥωμαίοις καὶ τοῖς συμμάχοις αὐτῶν, ὅσην Καῖσάρ τε ὁ Σεβαστὸς παρέσχεν ἀφ' οὗ παρέλαβε τὴν ἐξουσίαν αὐτοτελῆ, καὶ νῦν ὁ διαδεξάμενος υἱὸς ἐκεῖνον παρέχει Τιβέριος, κανόνα τῆς διοικήσεως καὶ τῶν προσταγμάτων ποιούμενος ἐκεῖνον, καὶ αὐτὸν οἱ παῖδες αὐτοῦ Γερμανικός τε καὶ Δροῦσος ὑπουργοῦντες τῷ πατρί.

Now if I must add to my account of Italy a summary account also of the Romans who took possession of it and equipped it as a base of operations for the universal hegemony, let me add as follows: After the founding of Rome, the Romans wisely continued for many generations under the rule of kings. Afterwards, because the last Tarquinius was a bad ruler, they ejected him, framed a government which was a mixture of monarchy and aristocracy, and dealt with the Sabini and Latini as with partners. But since they did not always find either them or the other neighboring peoples well intentioned, they were forced, in a way, to enlarge their own country by the dismemberment of that of the others. And in this way, while they were advancing and increasing little by little, it came to pass, contrary to the expectation of all, that they suddenly lost their city, {244} although they also got it back contrary to expectation. This took place, as Polybius {245} says, in the nineteenth year after the naval battle at Aegospotami, at the time of the Peace of Antalcidas. {246} After having rid themselves of these enemies, the Romans first made all the Latini their subjects; then stopped the Tyrrheni and the Celti who lived about the Padus from their wide and unrestrained licence; then fought down the Samnitae, and, after them, the Tarantini and Pyrrhus; and then at last also the remainder of what is now Italy, except the part that is about the Padus. And while this part was still in a state of war, the Romans crossed over to Sicily, and on taking it away from the Carthaginians came back again to attack the peoples who lived about the Padus; and it was while that war was still in progress that Hannibal invaded Italy. This latter is the second war that occurred against the Carthaginians; and not long afterwards occurred the third, in which Carthage was destroyed; and at the same time the Romans acquired, not only Libya, but also as much of Iberia as they had taken away from the Carthaginians. But the Greeks, the Macedonians, and those peoples in Asia who lived this side the Halys River and the Taurus Mountains joined the Carthaginians in a revolution, and therefore at the same time the Romans were led on to a conquest of these peoples, whose kings were Antiochus, Philip, and Perseus. Further, those of the Illyrians and Thracians who were neighbors to the Greeks and the Macedonians began to carry on war against the Romans and kept on warring until the Romans had subdued all the tribes this side the Ister and this side the Halys. And the Iberians, Celti, and all the remaining peoples which now give ear to the Romans had the same experience. As for Iberia, the Romans did not stop reducing it by force of arms until they had subdued the of it, first, by driving out the Nomantini, {247} and, later on, by destroying Viriathus {248} and Sertorius, and, last of all, the Cantabri, who were subdued by Augustus Caesar. As for Celtica (I mean Celtica as a whole, both the Cisalpine and Transalpine, together with Liguria {249} ), the Romans at first brought it over to their side only part by part, from time to time, but later the Deified Caesar, and afterwards Caesar Augustus, acquired it all at once in a general war. But at the present time the Romans are carrying on war against the Germans, setting out from the Celtic regions as the most appropriate base of operations, and have already glorified the fatherland with some triumphs over them. As for Libya, so much of it as did not belong to the Carthaginians was turned over to kings who were subject to the Romans, and, if they ever revolted, they were deposed. But at the present time Juba has been invested with the rule, not only of Maurusia, but also of many parts of the rest of Libya, because of his loyalty and his friendship for the Romans. And the case of Asia was like that of Libya. At the outset it was administered through the agency of kings who were subject to the Romans, but from that time on, when their line failed, as was the case with the Attalic, Syrian, Paphlagonian, Cappadocian, and Egyptian kings, or when they would revolt and afterwards be deposed, as was the case with Mithridates Eupator and the Egyptian Cleopatra, all parts of it this side the Phasis and the Euphrates, except certain parts of Arabia, have been subject to the Romans and the rulers appointed by them. As for the Armenians, and the peoples who are situated above Colchis, both Albanians {250} and Iberians, {251} they require the presence only of men to lead them, and are excellent subjects, but because the Romans are engrossed by other affairs, they make attempts at revolution--as is the case with all the peoples who live beyond the Ister in the neighborhood of the Euxine, except those in the region of the Bosporus {252} and the Nomads, {253} for the people of the Bosporus are in subjection, whereas the Nomads, on account of their lack of intercourse with others, are of no use for anything and only require watching. Also the remaining parts of Asia, generally speaking, belong to the Tent-dwellers and the Nomads, who are very distant peoples. But as for the Parthians, although they have a common border with the Romans and also are very powerful, they have nevertheless yielded so far to the preeminence of the Romans and of the rulers of our time that they have sent to Rome the trophies which they once set up as a memorial of their victory over the Romans, and, what is more, Phraates has entrusted to Augustus Caesar his children and also his children's children, thus obsequiously making sure of Caesar's friendship by giving hostages; and the Parthians of today have often gone to Rome in quest of a man to be their king, {254} and are now about ready to put their entire authority into the hands of the Romans. As for Italy itself, though it has often been torn by factions, at least since it has been under the Romans, and as for Rome itself, they have been prevented by the excellence of their form of government and of their rulers from proceeding too far in the ways of error and corruption. But it were a difficult thing to administer so great a dominion otherwise than by turning it over to one man, as to a father; at all events, never have the Romans and their allies thrived in such peace and plenty as that which was afforded them by Augustus Caesar, from the time he assumed the absolute authority, and is now being afforded them by his son and successor, Tiberius, who is making Augustus the model of his administration and decrees, as are his children, Germanicus and Drusus, who are assisting their father.

244. To the Gauls, under Brennus.

245. 1. 6.

246. Concluded at Sparta in the Spring of 386 B.C.

247. 134-133 B.C., under the leadership of Scipion Aemilianus.

248. Cp. 3. 4. 5.

249. Literally, "Ligystica" (cp. 4. 6. 3, and 5. 2. 1).

250. Their country is to be identified with what is now Chirwan and Daghestan (cp. 11. 1. 6).

251. Their country is to be identified with what is now Georgia (cp. 11. 1. 6).

252. Cp. 7. 4. 4.

253. Cp. 7. 3. 17.

254. For example, Vonones.